The autobiography of Theobald Wolfe Tone

•

=

z CO

■^^zz^ LO

■O

^^^^ C\J

CVJ

^t

^ ■ < >

~ ^~ ™~"

7^

— — r^-

T -

= QT)

===

===

_^_^^_

Presented to the

LIBRARY of the

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO

by

ROBERT S. KENNY

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
WOLFE TONE

/

/

I * J

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF

THEOBALD WOLFE TONE

Abridged & Edited
by

SEAN O'FAOLAIN

THOMAS NELSON & SONS LTD

LONDON EDINBURGH PARIS MELBOURNE
TORONTO AND NEW YORK

All rights reserved
THOMAS NELSON & SONS LTD.

35-36 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.C.4 *, PARKSIDB

WORKS, EDINBURGH J 2$ RUE DENFBRT-ROCHEREAU,

PARIS ; 312 FLINDERS STREET, MELBOURNE J

91-93 WELLINGTON STREET WEST, TORONTO ;

38I-385 FOURTH AVENUE, NEW YORK.

First published, 1937

" Wolfe Tone was a most extraordinary man and
his history is the most curious history of those
times. With a hundred guineas in his pocket,
unknown and unrecommended, he went to Paris
in order to overturn the British Government in
Ireland. He asked for a large force ; Lord Edward
Fitzgerald for a small one. They listened to
Tone. . . ."

Wellington.

Letter from Thomas Davis to Wolfe Tone's Widow

Madam,

With some such feeling as one brings a little
gift to an altar, I present you with this book. It is
a short record of what your dead husband was
and did, his character, his plans, his patriotism, and
his martyrdom. When I recollect what unbound-
ing and unvarying love was between you and him,
how in his hours of council and peril he thought
of you as he would of an angel, with what Roman
firmness and Irish truth you cheered him to those
sacrifices for Ireland in which you were sacrificed
too, I feel that you are the only fit guardian of
this memoir of him who lies in Bodenstown.
I remain, Madam,

Your faithful servant,
Thomas Davis.

CONTENTS

Introduction

Editions

A Summary of Events
I. Early Life : 1763-91 .
II. The Diary of a Mild Conspirator

III. The Diary of a Less Mild Con-

spirator 46

IV. The Conspirator becomes Impatient 59

70
75
78
90

100
120
140

V. The Catholics Advance

VI. The Catholics Retreat
VII. To America and France
VIII. Ambassador of Republican Ireland

IX. Tone sets to work

X. The Delays begin

XI. " A Dogs Life " . . . .
XII. Hoche. The Great Adventure begins 160

XIII. Preparing for the Voyage to Ireland 175

XIV. To Bantry Bay 188

XV. A Quiet Interval 206

XVI. The Dutch Scheme of Invasion . 230
vii

IX

xxvii

XXX

3
40

CONTENTS

XVII. Lewines takes over. Buonaparte . 248

XVIII. The Rebellion : Last Entries . .271

XIX. A Letter from Brest . . . .285

XX. Wolfe Tone's Last Adventure : His

Son's Account 287

XXI. The End 300

vm

INTRODUCTION

In the August of 1796 a young gentleman, who
went by the name of Citizen Smith, was sitting
in his apartment in Paris writing. With a cautious
vagueness he headed his paper Paris, added the date,
and began :

" As I shall embark on a business, within a few
days, the event of which is uncertain, I take the
opportunity of a vacant hour to throw on paper
a few memorandums relative to myself and my
family, which may amuse my boys, for whom I
write them, in case they should hereafter fall in
their hands. . . ."

The reference to " within a few days," and the
" vacant hour " is slightly amusing, though their
optimism is touching, while one does not well know
what to feel about the modesty of the reference to
" a business, the event of which is uncertain." For
Citizen Smith was planning the invasion of the
United Kingdom, would continue to plan it for a
couple of years to come, and would on two occa-
sions accompany an invading fleet bound for the
coast of Ireland.

ix

WOLFE TONE

He was in a bad mood that day, and had been
for a week. He said so emphatically in his diary.
Since the 2nd August the entries read :

"Blank. My times drags now most horribly.
. . . Altogether I am out of humour. . . . Blank.
Terrible. Terrible. I feel myself absolutely sick
at those delays. . . . Blank. Damn it. I am
weary of complaining that I am weary. I will
not make another memorandum until something
happens. That's flat."

That last entry was yesterday, the 6th. To-day,
being just as blank, conspiratorially speaking, he
begins, almost from boredom, to write his life-
story. He writes and writes until he comes to the
year 1791. There he stops with a reference to his
diary, " which I then commenced " ; adding that
it is therefore unnecessary to detail much of what
subsequently befell him.

What befell him befell him in his real name of
Theobald Wolfe Tone, and, like all he had so far
recounted, befell him in Ireland, and may be read
in this book. He had loved his country, and loved
justice, and felt (with good reason) that of the
legislatures of the world, " beyond all comparison,
the most shamelessly profligate, and abandoned to
all sense of virtue, principle, or even common
decency, was the legislature of my own unfortu-
nate country." He had felt more than this. He

x

INTRODUCTION

had come to the conclusion that this legislature,
and those represented in it, the Irish aristocracy,
half native, half alien, were beyond reform. That
aristocracy was (his own words) " in possession
of the whole of the government, and of five-sixths
of the landed property of the nation ; they were,
and had been for above a century, in the quiet
enjoyment of the Church, the law, the revenue,
the army, the navy, the magistracy, the corpora-
tions ; in a word, the whole patronage of Ireland.
With properties whose title was founded on mas-
sacre and plunder, and being, as it were, but a
colony of foreign usurpers in the land, they saw
no security for their persons and estates but in a
close connection with England, who profited by
their fears, and, as the price of their protection,
exacted the implicit surrender of the commerce
and liberties of Ireland. ..." That being so, the
conclusion was simple : leave the bough and strike
at the root. Release from this English influence
the Dissenters, in whom there was some manliness
and decency, and the vast Catholic populace, who,
though two-thirds of the nation, were reduced by
a " horrible system, pursued for above a century,
with unrelenting acrimony and perseverance, to a
situation, morally and physically speaking, below
that of the beasts of the field."

So, from that 1791 onward, Tone had been
probing at the root, and the root did not like it.
Unhappily, the only hiatus in his autobiography
xi

WOLFE TONE

occurs soon after this date, just when we should
like to see in what manner he consolidated his ideas.
His diary, to which he has just referred his readers,
stops at February 1793 — the portion dealing with
the next two years is either lost or never existed.
We have to pass on over the spring of 1794, when
one Jackson, an agent of the French Committee of
Public Safety, arrived in Ireland, accompanied by
a " friend " who proved, later, to be a British spy.
Jackson was arrested, found guilty of treason, and
died in the dock, in April 1795, after taking a dose
of poison, probably arsenic. The whole affair in-
volved Tone, being recorded by him in a separate
paper which we possess, and was largely respon-
sible for his transmogrification into Citizen Smith,
the Irish conspirator in Paris.

II

Having thus got as far as 1791 in his autobiog-
raphy, and 1793 in his diaries, Citizen Smith
removed himself from Paris to Rennes, where,
being still within his " few days " of embarking
on an " uncertain business," and having another
" vacant hour," he resumed his record.

" I hasten to the period," he writes, " when, in
consequence of the conviction of William Jackson
for high treason, I was obliged to quit my country
and go into exile in America."
xii

INTRODUCTION

His record then proceeds to cover events from that
date to the February of the next year, 1796, when
" we landed in safety in Havre de Grace," and here
he closes his consecutive account by a final refer-
ence to his diaries, which form the bulk of this book,
and of which he says truthfully, that he kept them
regularly since his arrival in France. They are the
record of endless plannings and plottings ; the end-
less, tortuous, heart-breaking, pertinacious plot-
tings of the refugee-conspirator of a small nation
in the great capital of a great nation ; at a period of
revolution and unrest ; a period when kingdoms
were being made, and there was no reason why
kingdoms should not be undone ; but a period,
too, when fine phrases were being crossed by new
ambitions, and the life of a man like Tone, and the
fate of a little country like Ireland, became no more
than counters on the gaming-tables of the great.
As such, these diaries could not but be interesting ;
but they happen, in addition, to be written by a
man whose diaries would be interesting, amusing,
emotive if he lived the life of a grocer's assistant,
never known such people as Grouchy, or Tom
Paine, or Carnot, or Buonaparte, or never twice
invaded the British Isles.

We may glance at them while this remarkable
young man puts on his hat and sword and goes
strolling down the streets of Rennes, humming his
tunes, cursing under his breath at these endlessly
" vacant hours," tliinking of his adored wife and
xiii

WOLFE TONE

his " little darlings " whom he may never see
again. . . . We have plenty of time to glance at
his papers. Those " few days " extend themselves
by weeks and months to the following December
(1796), when he finally set out with a French fleet
under Hoche for Bantry Bay. We may also be
done with Citizen Smith. After Bantry, Wolfe
Tone became a marked man, well known, warmly
— very warmly ! — spoken of by the Irish and the
English public. He became, in brief, a piece of
history. Even as, in time, his autobiography has
come to be acknowledged for its literary quality,
its good humour, its equanimity, and its intrinsic
interest, one of the most interesting personal
documents in Irish literature.

Ill

He spoke of his diaries as being " fully detailed."
They are. That year, 1796, was, as he says, " a
very remarkable one in my history/ * He had
landed in France on February 1st ; he was to set
sail for Ireland in December, and to be back again
on French soil exactly on January 1, 1797. To
this one year he devotes about 125,000 words,
about the length of two modern novels. To the
next year, when he was again planning an invasion
(he saw a Dutch expedition take the seas under De
Winter — it was defeated at Camperdown), he de-
xiv

INTRODUCTION

votes less space : about 45,000 words. To what
he lived to see of 1798 he devotes proportionately-
less ; in fact, his diaries break off some three months
before he sailed from France, in September, on the
third, final, and fatal expedition, as if even his
tenacious spirit was at last becoming weary of the
struggle. (See the entry for May 26, 1798.) That
expedition reached Lough Swilly, in Donegal, in
October. After a sea fight the defeated were
brought to land in ships' boats. Characteristi-
cally, the first man to step proudly ashore was
Wolfe Tone. He was sent in irons to Dublin.
He died there, after cutting his throat in his cell,
on November 19, 1798.

So it is mainly those diaries for his last three years
that form the bulk of his story. The only personal
record of the last four and a half months is his fare-
well letter to his wife.

IV

What despairs, hopes, need for repeated efforts
and new beginnings, those years held for Tone may
be fully realized only by wading as patiendy through
the fullness of his very detailed memoirs, as Tone
himself waded through the trying and, often, vacant
days they record. But, that very important element
of his pertinacity aside, there is no need in the least
to read the entire autobiography to get at the essen-
xv

WOLFE TONE

tial man ; while, on other scores — such as his more
human frailties and his more charming virtues — his
nature is too repetitiously evident throughout the
diaries, and too much of the entries are, in any case,
purely in the way of memoranda, to make a com-
plete edition necessary to anybody but the scholar
or the devotee. Besides, he put so much of the
vigour of his pertinacity, and of the equable quali-
ties of his nature that fed it, and of the resilience
and buoyancy of his good temper that renewed it,
into everything he did and recorded, that, even on
that fundamental score, an abridgement of the
material need not be felt as an abridgement of the
man : Tone's character, though various, is com-
pact and intensive, with all the variations occurring,
as it were, within narrow time-brackets.

On the other hand — as happens so often with
famous but lengthy books — more readers are likely
to have been deterred by the size of the complete
autobiography than have ever read it to its end.
For that reason I have prepared this abridged edition,
hoping that it will have the effect of causing him
to be read, for the first time, consecutively, by the
large public he deserves.

Those, then, who would like to read in Tone's
own words as full an account of his life as is
necessary for a proper appreciation of the man
will, it is hoped, find it henceforth in this
book.

(4,409) ^

INTRODUCTION

V

If Tone did not, in his lifetime, achieve greatly,
he started much. Without him Republicanism in
Ireland would virtually have no tradition ; for,
though he was not the only Republican Ireland
produced, he was the first, and he was the only one
who had the touch of greatness. It is one sign of
this that those three vain expeditions of his — he was
the direct means of sending them to Ireland — still
live in the folk-memory, have left their mark on
the very place-names of the countryside, and are
for ever associated with his purposes. Without
him, indeed, it is hard to know what that century
would have lent to the Irish National tradition.
The United Irishmen — a vague body without some
man to personify them ; the romantic figure of
Lord Edward ; the rising of '98 ; Emmet's speech
from the dock — these, also, would have been re-
membered, but they would have fostered only a
vague idealism, and it would have been an easy
matter for any subsequent political party to obfus-
cate their meaning. That was, indeed, attempted,
but only through a process of eliminating Tone,
by the old constitutional Irish Party. Tone, how-
ever, is not easy to eliminate ; and if there hangs
about him none of the easy romanticism of Emmet
or Lord Edward, he gets the reward of his hardy
realism by being remembered with greater clarity.

(4,409) xv ii 2

WOLFE TONE

More than that, the greater vigour of his personality
folds these lesser men under his wing, so that they
are remembered and defined by him. What these
revolutionaries owe to him, in this way, may be
guessed by thinking how much, had there been no
Tone, their century would have become, in popular
memory, O'ConnelTs century ; and by thinking
how it would then have fed, only, into the tradition
O'Connell set under way — a tradition containing
many fine elements : Liberal, possibly monarchist
but undoubtedly snobbish, faintly Radical, thor-
oughly parliamentarian — which was overthrown in
our time by men delighted to find in Tone a figure
and a symbol great enough to face any comparison.
What, on another count, would have happened
both Tone and century if his autobiography had
been captured by and suppressed by the British
Government ? The indisputable answer to that
question emphasizes both the unique quality of the
man and of his book. For though he would,
without doubt, have been remembered and revered
— and those three expeditions might indeed have
assumed a still greater glory by the very mystery
attaching to his name ; and though his impact on
the popular imagination might have become,
thereby, even more powerful than it is — yet, it
would all have been the impact, not of a real man,
but of a vague figure, since, without the diaries,
no historian could have hoped to transmit much of
his peculiarly original flavour. He would have
xviii

INTRODUCTION

come down to us wrapped in the romantic atmos-
phere which has melted Emmet, Lord Edward,
Smith O'Brien, John O'Leary, even so recent a
figure as Pearse, into graceful falsities. That would
have been a truly wretched fate for Tone, most
human and humorous and unromantic of men,
to shimmer through the sentimental dimness into
which piety wraps the great — especially the ora-
torical great.

From that fate he is saved by his diaries. His
drinking, his temper, his realism, his flute-playing,
his flirtations, his extravagant protestations, his
indiscreet tongue, his utter lack of false dignity,
are precisely the things that help us to understand
him. They make us feel that he was sincere, that
revolution to him was a serious matter and not a
form of self-dramatization or emotional escape.
These pleasantly human qualities and frailties make
us feel that humanity is safe in his hands, and would
have been safe in his hands had he lived to be the
first President of an Irish Republic. We felt much
the same about Michael Collins, whose gaiety,
impetuosity, masculinity also rejects every at-
tempt to turn him into a plaster martyr. By that
humanity, revealed in every page of his diaries,
the truth of what Tone was, and of what he stood
for, is preserved intact, when, without the diaries,
it might not be seen at all. His personality, the
man himself, is a definition of Irish Republicanism.
It is the only sensible definition that exists.
xix

WOLFE TONE

The diaries have, however, done one slight dis-
service to Tone. They have deprived him of the
romantic Irishman's final mark of respect — he has
no statue. So, a while ago, what money was col-
lected for Tone's centenary in 1898 was to have
been spent, at last, on a park gate ! And the gate
was to have been opened without ceremony, if
not after dark ! And the gate was to be just out-
side the city ! And no member of the big political
parties was to be asked to compromise himself by
attending officially. . . . Just as, earlier, Dublin
did lay a slab in the roadway at Stephen's Green
to mark the site of the proposed centenary monu-
ment. It lay there for about thirty years. Then
the Board of Works took it up in the middle of
the night !

We can guess what Tone would have thought
of all that. He would have entered : " Huzza !
Huzza ! No statue. P. P., drunk as usual, swears
he will give up smuggling. Mr. Hutton greatly pleased.
Gog, Magog, P. P., the Draper, the Pismire, the Hypo-
crite, and all the rest of them are afraid of bug-a-boos.
God save great George, our King ! Sad ! Sad !
All hollow. Waddel is a / "

There are two things not to be ignored : the
growing seriousness of Tone's nature — the deepen-
ing of his mind, the sharpening of his judgment
(" I was a greenhorn," he writes after a year in
Paris) — and the sceptical turn of his thought. The
latter shows itself readily in his attitude, or lack
xx

INTRODUCTION

of attitude, to religion, but also in a score of places
in his half-bitter comments on men and affairs,
as when he says of Buonaparte in '98 that " he is
probably taking a short-cut to England by way of
Calcutta/' The two things merge, and are softened
in his humour as well as in his gathering gloom.

Always romantic to us, he was never romantic
to himself, and he kicks romance out the door, at
the end.

VI

Tone's opening chapters explain themselves, and
little further explanation is required ; unless, since
his life centred around the Society of the United
Irishmen, it may be worth reminding readers
that this society began in Belfast around 1791 as a
constitutional club whose aim was the reform of
the Irish legislature, a reform to be secured — I
quote from the members' pledge — by " the attain-
ment of an adequate and impartial representation
of the Irish nation in Parliament " ; the means to
this end being " a brotherhood of affection, an
identity of interests, a communion of rights, and
an union of power," achieved through a number of
clubs throughout the country using the usual other
methods of peaceful persuasion. Not all the mem-
bers, however, were so peacefully inclined, and
within three or four years the idea of reform gave
xxi

WOLFE TONE

way to the idea of revolution and republicanism.
The progress of this change may be observed, in
Tone's record, in such details as a dinner where the
flags of America, Poland, France, and Ireland are
displayed — " but no England " ; in the havering
with the definitely aggressive and unconstitutional
Protestant and Catholic societies, The Peep-o'-Day
Boys, and The Defenders — the former of which
became later The Orange Boys, and the latter
United Irishmen ; in the adoption for the military
corps attached to the United Irishmen of the cos-
tumes of the Garde Nationale ; in the deliberate
insult to the Irish administration of appealing on
behalf of the Catholics direct to the King ; or in
such seditious conversations as those recorded under
October 26, 1 791, or November 20, 1792. By 1794
the United Irishmen were being reorganized on a
thoroughly rebellious basis, and the hiatus in Tone's
record, which I have already mentioned, is the
more to be regretted in that it occurs at this
point.

The other body with which Tone was connected
was the Catholic Committee, founded in Dublin
around 1760, to plead the cause of the oppressed
Catholics. As long as it was supported by the
Catholic aristocracy it was much too pliable, and
timid, to be effective. It made no impress on
public opinion until John Keogh, a Dublin mer-
chant, gave it a democratic character. He co-oper-
ated with the United Irishmen and Tone as long
xxii

INTRODUCTION

as he dared ; and thanks largely to Tone that
timid Committee won in '93 the first real Catholic
Relief Bill, a measure that Lecky considers infinitely
more important than O'Connell's Emancipation of
1829. Tone worked with these men as assistant-
secretary, until his exile ; but even after that, in
France, he was recommending them (see July 27,
1796) to the Executive Directory as the basis
of a national legislature should his plans succeed.
That, to those who may be unfamiliar with Tone's
ideas, is informative. Though not a Catholic, and
though representing the United Irishmen, a body
originating in non-Catholic Belfast, it never even
occurred to him that the basis of a National Parlia-
ment could be anything but Catholic, and popular.
The only other thing necessary to know is the
key to Tone's pseudonyms for his friends and
associates. The chief of these were his colleagues
who founded, and were active in spreading, the
Society of United Irishmen. They were Thomas
Russell, his bosom friend, who was hanged in
1803, and whom he nicknamed P. P. Clerk of this
Parish ; Sam Neilson, founder of the Society and
of its organ The Northern Star, whom he called The
Jacobin ; Simms, The Tanner ; William Sinclair,
The Draper ; Thomas Macabe, The Irish Slave ;
Whidey Stokes, the Trinity College scholar, one
of Tone's early friends, The Keeper (of the College
Zoo) ; Thomas Addis Emmet, The Pismire ;
and James Napper Tandy, the oldest member of
xxiii

WOLFE TONE

the group and one of the more prominent members
of Grattan's Volunteers in 1782, The Tribune.
Then come three men active in the Catholic Com-
mittee. The ablest of them all was John Keogh,
whom he called Gog. Then came McCormick,
the secretary to the Committee, whom he called
Magog ; and Edward Byrne, the Chairman, whom
he called The Vintner. The city of Belfast is
throughout Blefescu, and he himself is Mr. Hutton.
They are names, all of them, invented in a spirit
of raillery and affection, with, at most, a faint smile
of occasional sarcasm. One may, for instance, turn
to the entry of January 1, 1793, to see Tone's
attitude to the last three. However, he had no
delusions about any of his friends, and the greatest
attraction of his autobiography is in these quite
effortless characterizations that emerge from his
commentaries, and that make his book not merely
a fine self-portrait by a young revolutionary but
a gallery of portraits of other entirely admirable
men whose comic side the young rebel never
failed to see. That was partly because he loved
them so much that he could afford to laugh at them,
even in their most solemn moments ; partly be-
cause he was a born realist with powerful emotions
who had found that the best companion for a high
heart is a merry wit. Even his vivid pen-pictures
of the French revolutionary leaders are not, as his
experience grows, without an occasional touch of
malice ; the result is that he constantly throws
xxiv

INTRODUCTION

revealing side-lights on the Paris and France of the
Revolution and the Directory.

In truth Tone was simply a brave, unassuming
man who was merry because he needed great re-
serves. Lord Edward could wear the high buskin,
and so could Emmet, because, for them, the road
between beginning and end was brief. Tone, with
his flute in his pocket, and a laugh always up his
sleeve, was a hero with slippers — because the road,
for him much longer and more arduous, brought
him many a night to rest in his inn.

He was the sort of man who must have dreamed
as often of the gaiety as of the comfort he could
bring to Ireland should his plans succeed. If, in that
sense, his personality is, indeed, a definition of his
ideas, and if it were these ideas that persisted with
his tradition, there could be few Irishmen to-day
who would not be republican with him.

Sean O'Faolain.

xxv

EDITIONS

Tone's original notebooks, which contain his auto-
biography, are in the library of Trinity College,
Dublin. In the National Museum, Dublin, one
may also see his pocket-book, which he bequeathed
the night he died to John Sweetman.

His son edited his papers, and the Life was pub-
lished in two volumes in Washington in 1826.
These volumes are comparatively rare ; they sell
at about two guineas to-day. They contain the
diaries, letters, and political essays of Tone ; an ac-
count of Tone's family ; Madame Tone's interview
with Napoleon, etc. ; the son's account of the last
expedition and trial — from which the excerpt printed
in this edition is taken. A later edition by Barry
O'Brien, entitled The Autobiography of Wolfe Tone,
omitted the letters, the political essays (as being
" of little interest or importance now "), the account
of Tone's family after his death, and some minor
material ; this edition has appeared in more than
one format and is easily procurable. There is
also a French edition of the Autobiography with
the title Memoires secrets de Wolfe Tone. (Paris,
1888.)

xxvii

WOLFE TONE

O'Brien follows William Tone comma for
comma ; and it may be recorded that the son is
not absolutely accurate, as I have found on collating
his edition with the manuscripts. Generally, how-
ever, I have found it easier to follow him, as I
have found him astray only in quite minor details
of word and phrasing.

The chief profit of the collating has been that
I have been able to replace, for the first time, some
interesting passages suppressed by the son : namely,
Tone's accounts of his early amours ; his con-
temptuous references to his brother-in-law ; his
account of the final rupture with his wife's family ;
and his scornful remarks on Americans. The son
suppressed the first because he thought it would
be ungentlemanly to publish such frank confessions
— his mother was still alive ; the second, probably
out of deference to his uncle ; and it must be
remembered that he was a guest of America when
he published the Life. I feel that the added pre-
cision given to Tone's character by this new
material justifies its publication at this date. I have
drawn attention to the chief additions in the foot-
notes.

The chapter divisions and titles and the running
headlines are my own additions.

I am much indebted to a scholarly friend who

prefers not to be mentioned by name. He has

checked the proofs and given me several interesting

pieces of information which I have been enabled

xxviii

EDITIONS

by his kindness to incorporate in the footnotes,
which are otherwise my own.

I am also indebted to the kindness of the officials
of Trinity College, Dublin, for permission to
examine the original manuscripts of the Journal
and Notebooks, and for the photograph of FarrelTs
bust of Tone which stands in the Long Room,
bequeathed to the College in 1925 by Miss Kather-
ine Maxwell, a granddaughter of Tone, together
with a death-mask and the original manuscript
notebooks.

S. O'F.

XXIX

A SUMMARY OF EVENTS

1760 Death of George II.
1763 June 20th. Theobald Wolfe Tone born.
1770 Wordsworth born.
1775 War of American Independence begins.

Daniel O'Connell born. Volunteer movement
begins.

1778 Death of Voltaire and Rousseau.

1779 Volunteers demand Free Trade. Tom Moore born.
178 1 February. Enters Trinity College, Dublin.

1782 Legislative Independence granted. Repeal of

" Sixth of George J." and Poynings Law.

1783 Treaty of Versailles acknowledges American

Independence.
Ministry of Pitt begins. (Tories in power to 1830.)

1784 Death of Eoghan Ruadh O'Suileabhain.

1785 Meets Miss Witherington and marries her.

1786 Commences study for B.A. First child

born. Retires to Clane.

1787 Enters Middle Temple, London.

1788 Returns to Ireland.

1788 Byron born.

1789 Commences Barrister-at-Law. First Circuit.

1789 The French Revolution.

Charlotte Brookes publishes Reliques of Irish
Poetry.

1790 First Political Pamphlet. Meets Russell.

Forms a Political Club.

1791 Second child born : Matthew. Meets the

Belfast Volunteers and founds United
Irishmen. Meets the Catholics.
1 791 October. Society of United Irishmen founded.

XXX

A SUMMARY OF EVENTS

1792 Third child born. Becomes Assistant Secre-
tary to Catholic Committee.

1792 The " September Massacres " in Paris. France

declared a Republic.

1793 First Catholic Emancipation Act. LARGELY DUE

TO TONE. A memorable date for the new
Irish Democracy. War declared on France.

1794 The Jackson affair.

1794 United Irishmen suppressed.

1795 August. Arrives at Washington.

1795 The Directory formed.

1796 February 2nd. Lands in France.
December 16th. Sails for Bantry Bay.

1797 January 1st. Arrives back in France.
May. Rejoins his family.

June to September. In Holland for the
Dutch expedition.

1798 September. Sails for Ireland on the Hoche.
October nth. Arrested.

November 10th. Tried.
November 19th. Dies.

1798 May. Napoleon takes Malta.

May. Irish Rebellion breaks out. Daniel O'Con-
nell called to the Bar and joins the yeomanry.

1799 Napoleon overthrows the Directory and becomes

First Consul.
1 801 Union of Great Britain and Ireland.
1804 First child dies.
1806 Third child dies.

1807 " Gaelic Society of Dublin " founded.
18 1 5 Mrs. Tone marries Wilson.
1820 Death of George III.
1829 Catholic Emancipation.
xxxi

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
THEOBALD WOLFE TONE

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
THEOBALD WOLFE TONE

i

EARLY LIFE

paris, August 7, 1796.

AS I shall embark in a business, within a few
-£*■ days, the event of which is uncertain, I take
the opportunity of a vacant hour to throw on
paper a few memorandums relative to myself and
my family, which may amuse my boys, for whom
I write them, in case they should hereafter fall into
their hands.

I was born in the city of Dublin, on the 20th of
June, 1763. My grandfather was a respectable
farmer near Naas, in the county of Kildare. Being
killed by a fall off a stack of his own corn, in the
year 1766, his property, being freehold leases, de-
scended to my father, his eldest son, who was, at
that time, in successful business as a coachmaker.
He set, in consequence, the lands which came thus

3

EARLY LIFE [1763-72

into his possession to his youngest brother, which,
eventually, was the cause of much litigation be-
tween them, and ended in a decree of the Court of
Chancery, that utterly ruined my father. My
mother, whose name was Lamport, was the
daughter of a captain of a vessel in the West
India trade, who, by many anecdotes which she
told me of him, was a great original.

I was their eldest son ; but, before I come to my
history, I must say a few words of my brothers.
William, who was born in August, 1764, was
intended for business, and was, in consequence,
bound apprentice, at the age of fourteen, to an
eminent bookseller. With him he read over
all the voyages he could find, with which, and
some military history, he heated an imagination
naturally warm and enthusiastic, so much that, at
the age of sixteen, he ran off to London, and entered,
as a volunteer, in the East India Company's service.

My brother Matthew, like Will, is something of
a poet, and has written some trifles, in the burlesque
style, that are not ill done. He is a brave lad, and
I love him most sincerely. His age, at the time I
write this, is about twenty-six or twenty-seven years.
Matthew is a sincere and ardent republican, and
capable, as I think, of sacrificing everything to his
principles.

My third brother, Arthur, is much younger than
any of us, being born about the year 1782 ; of course
he is now fourteen years of age. If I can judge,

4

1763-72] FAMILY SKETCHES

when he grows up, he will resemble William exactly
in mind and person. He is a fine, smart boy, as
idle as possible (which we have all been, without
exception), with very quick parts, and as stout as a
lion.

My sister, whose name is Mary, is a fine young
woman; she has all the peculiarity of our disposition,
with all the delicacy of her own sex. If she were
a man, she would be exactly like one of us, and, as
it is, being brought up amongst boys, for we never
had but one more sister, who died a child, she has
contracted a masculine habit of thinking, without,
however, in any degree, derogating from that
feminine softness of manner which is suited to her
sex and age. When I was driven into exile in
America, as I shall relate hereafter, she determined
to share my fortunes, and, in consequence, she also,
like the rest of us, has made her voyage across the
Adantic.

My father and mother were pretty much like
other people ; but, from this short sketch, with
what I have to add concerning myself, I think it
will appear that their children were not at all like
other people, but have had, every one of them, a
wild spirit of adventure, which, though sometimes
found in an individual, rarely pervades a whole
family, including even the females. For my brother
William has visited Europe, Asia, and Africa before
he was thirty years of age ; Matthew has been in
America twice, in the West Indies once, not to

EARLY LIFE [1772-81

mention several trips to England, and his voyage
and imprisonment in France, and all this before he
was twenty-seven. Arthur, at the age of fourteen,
has been once in England, twice in Portugal, and
has twice crossed the Atlantic, going to and re-
turning from America. My sister Mary crossed
the same ocean, and I hope will soon do the same
on her return. I do not here speak of my wife
and our little boys and girl, the eldest of whom
was about eight, and the youngest two years old
when we sailed for America. And, by all I can
see, it is by no means certain that our voyages are
yet entirely finished.

I come now to myself. I was, as I have said, the
eldest child of my parents, and a very great favourite.
I was sent, at the age of eight or nine, to an excellent
English school, kept by Sisson Darling, a man to
whose kindness and affection I was much indebted,
and who took more than common pains with me.
I respect him yet. I was very idle, and it was only
the fear of shame which could induce me to exer-
tion.

It was determined that I should be a Fellow of
Dublin College. I was taken from Mr. Darling,
from whom I parted with regret, and placed, about
the age of twelve, under the care of the Rev. Wm.
Craig, a man very different, in all respects, from my
late preceptor.

About this time, whether unluckily for me or not,
the future colour of my life must determine, my

6

1772-81] AN IDLE FELLOW

father, meeting with an accident of a fall downstairs,
by which he was dreadfully wounded in the head,
so that he narrowly escaped with life, found, on his
recovery, his affairs so deranged in all respects, that
he determined on quitting business and retiring to
the country, a resolution which he executed accord-
ingly, settling with all his creditors, and placing
me with a friend near the school, whom he paid
for my diet and lodging, besides allowing me a
trifling sum for my pocket. In this manner I
became, I may say, my own master, before I was
sixteen ; and as, at this time, I am not remarkable
for my discretion, it may well be judged I was less
so then.

I must do myself and my school-fellows the
justice to say, that, though we were abominably
idle, we were not vicious ; our amusements con-
sisted in walking to the country, in swimming
parties in the sea, and, particularly, in attending all
parades, field days, and reviews of the garrison of
Dublin in the Phoenix Park. I mention this par-
ticularly, because, independent of confirming me in
a rooted habit of idleness, which I lament most
exceedingly, I trace to the splendid appearance of
the troops, and the pomp and parade of military
show, the untamable desire which I ever since have
had to become a soldier, a desire which has never
once quit me, and which after sixteen years of
various adventures, I am at last at liberty to indulge.
Being, at this time, approaching to seventeen years

7

EARLY LIFE [1781-86

of age, it will not be thought incredible that woman
began to appear lovely in my eyes, and I very wisely
thought that a red coat and cockade, with a pair of
gold epaulets, would aid me considerably in my
approaches to the objects of my adoration.

This, combined with the reasons above mentioned,
decided me. I began to look on classical learning
as nonsense ; on a Fellowship in Dublin College as
a pitiful establishment ; and, in short, I thought an
ensign in a marching regiment was the happiest
creature living. The hour when I was to enter the
University, which now approached, I looked for-
ward to with horror and disgust. I absented myself
more and more from school, to which I preferred
attending the recruits on drill at the barracks. So
that at length my schoolmaster, who apprehended
I should be found insufficient at the examination
for entering the college, and that he, of consequence,
would come in for his share of the disgrace, thought
proper to do what he should have done at least
three years before, and wrote my father a full
account of my proceedings. This immediately
produced a violent dispute between us, I
declared my passion for the army, and my utter
dislike to a learned profession ; but my father was
as obstinate as I, and as he utterly refused to give
me any assistance to forward my scheme, I had no
resource but to submit or to follow my brother
William's example, which I was too proud to do.
In consequence, I sat down again, with a very bad

8

1781-86] AMOURS

grace, to pull up my lost time ; and, at length, after
labouring for some time, sorely against the grain,
I entered a pensioner of Trinity College, in February,
1 78 1 ; being then not quite eighteen years of age ;
my tutor was the Rev. Matthew Young, the most
popular in the University, and one of the first
mathematicians in Europe.

During my progress through the University, I
was not without adventures. Towards the latter
end of the year 1782, 1 went out as second to a young
fellow of my acquaintance, of the name of Foster,
who fought with another lad, also of my acquaint-
ance, named Anderson, and had the misfortune to
shoot him through the head. The second to
Anderson was William Armstrong, my most
particular friend, who is now a very respectable
clergyman, and settled at Dungannon. As Ander-
son's friends were outrageous against Foster and me,
we were obliged at first to withdraw ourselves, but
after some time their passion abated, and I returned
to college, whence this adventure was near driving
me a second time and for ever. Foster stood his
trial and was acquitted ; against me there was no
prosecution. In this unfortunate business the eldest
of us was not more than twenty years of age.

After one or two fugitive passions about the
beginning of the year 1783 I fell in love with a
woman who made me miserable for more than
two years. She was the wife of Richard Martin
of Galway, a member of Parliament, and a man

9

EARLY LIFE [1781-86

of considerable fortune in that county. Martin
was passionately fond of acting and had fitted up
a theatre in which he had several dramatic repre-
sentations. Mrs. Martin, independent of a thousand
other attractions, was one of the first actresses I
ever saw, and as I lived in the house with her, and
being myself somewhat of an actor, was daily
thrown into particular situations with her, both in
rehearsals and on the stage, and as I had an imagina-
tion easily warmed, without one grain of discretion
to regulate it, I very soon became in love to a
degree almost inconceivable. I have never, never
met in history, poetry, or romance a description
that comes near what I actually suffered on her
account. For two years our acquaintance continued,
in which time I made three visits to her house of
four or five months each. As I was utterly unable,
and indeed unwilling, to conceal my passion from
her, she very soon detected me, and as I preserved,
as well as felt, the profoundest respect for her, she
supposed she might amuse herself innocently in
observing the progress of this terrible passion in
the mind of an interesting young man of twenty ;
but this is an experiment no woman ought to make.
As Martin neglected her a good deal, and as I was
continually on the spot, she could not avoid making
daily comparisons between our behaviour towards
her, and not at all to the advantage of her husband ;
in short, without any art on my side, for I was
too sincerely in love to be capable of it, I invisibly

10

1781-86] AN IRATE HUSBAND

engaged her affections, so that at length she
became at least as much in love with me as I
was with her, nor did she attempt to conceal it
from me.

I was the proudest man alive to have engaged
the affections of a woman whom even now I
recognize to have had extraordinary merit, and
who then appeared in my eyes more divine than
human. In this intercourse of sentiment which
alternately pained and delighted me almost beyond
bearing, we continued for about two years, keeping
up a regular correspondence by letters in the
intervals of my absence, without, however, in a
single instance overstepping the bounds of virtue,
such was the purity of the extravagant affection I
bore her. At length a quarrel took place between
Martin and me. He wanted me to swear an
affidavit against two ruffians who had broken into
his apartment, armed with pistols, and arrested
[? — the word is not clear in the MS.] him in my
presence. This I considered derogatory to my
character, and in consequence I refused ; a smart
altercation by letter ensued, in which he tried
every means, not excepting pretty direct menaces
(as he was a famous duellist), to bind me to his
purpose. But tho* I was very young, tho* I adored
his wife beyond all human beings, and knew well
that my refusal was in effect a sentence of banish-
ment from her presence for ever, I had the courage
to persist in my refusal. In consequence I wrote
ii

EARLY LIFE [1781-86

Martin a peremptory letter which finished our
correspondence, and sealed, as I expected, our
separation for ever. And thus at the age of twenty
I sacrificed a passion of the most extravagant
violence to what I considered my duty as a man
of honour ; an effort which cost me then, very,
very dear, and for which I now applaud my
resolution. I have never seen Mrs. Martin since.

As I am on this subject, tho' it makes no part
of my history, I think right to insert that eight or
nine years after, Martin and his wife being in
Paris, and he treating her with his usual neglect,
she formed a connection with an Englishman of
the name of Petrie, with whom at length she
eloped. Martin brought an action against Petrie
in Westminster Hall and recovered £10,000
damages. In this business I am satisfied from my
own observation and knowledge of the characters
of both parties during my residence for many
months in their family, that the fault was originally
Martin's. Nevertheless it opened my eyes on many
little circumstances that had passed between her
and me, and perhaps (as I now think) had my
passion for her been less pure, it might have been
not less agreeable. But the truth is I loved her
with an affection of a seraphic nature ; the pro-
found respect I bore her, and my ignorance of
the world, prevented my availing myself of op-
portunities which a man more trained than I was
would not have let slip.

12

1781-86] IN LOVE

And now at this distance of time I review the
affair coolly [about ten words blotted out], I cannot
regret that my inexperience prevented me from
wronging a man to whom I was indebted for many
civilities, or from profiting, as I might have done,
by the affections of a woman, that time un-
doubtedly virtuous, whom I adored as a deity,
and who, I am sure, returned my affections with
an ardour equal to my own. But if I suffered, as
I did most severely, by this unfortunate passion,
I also reaped some benefit from it. The desire to
render myself agreeable to a woman of elegant
manners, and a mind highly cultivated, induced
me to attend to a thousand little things, and to
endeavour to polish myself in a certain degree,
so that after the first transports of rage and grief
at her loss had subsided, I considered myself as
on the whole considerably improved. As no
human passion is proof against time and absence,
in a few months I recovered my tranquillity.*

At length, about the beginning of the year 1785, 1
became acquainted with my wife. She was the
daughter of William Witherington, and lived, at
that time, in Grafton Street, in the house of her
grandfather, a rich old clergyman of the name of
Fanning. I was then a scholar of the house in the
University, and every day, after commons, I used

* It is interesting to note that the chief aid to tranquillity was
Miss Witherington, whom Tone met just at this time or a
trifle earlier. This account is suppressed by the son.

13

EARLY LIFE [1781-86

to walk under her windows with one or the other
of my fellow students ; I soon grew passionately
fond of her, and she also was struck with me, though
certainly my appearance, neither then nor now, was
much in my favour ; so it was, however, that,
before we had ever spoken to each other, a mutual
affection had commenced between us. She was,
at this time, not sixteen years of age, and as beautiful
as an angel. She had a brother some years older
than herself, a most egregious coxcomb * ; never-
theless, as it was necessary for my admission to
the family that I should be first acquainted with
him, I soon contrived to be introduced to him,
and as he played well on the violin (his only talent),
and I was myself a musical man, we grew intimate,
the more so as it may well be supposed I neglected
no fair means to recommend myself to him and
the rest of the family, with whom I soon grew a
favourite. My affairs now advanced prosperously ;
my wife and I grew more passionately fond of
each other ; and, in a short time, I proposed to
her to marry me, without asking consent of any
one, knowing well it would be in vain to expect
it ; she accepted the proposal as frankly as I made
it, and one beautiful morning in the month of
July we ran off together and were married. I
carried her out of town to Maynooth for a few
days, and when the first eclat of passion had sub-

*A11 Tone's contemptuous references to the brother are
suppressed by his son.

14

1786-87] MARRIED HAPPINESS

sided, we were forgiven on all sides, and settled
in lodgings near my wife's grandfather.

I was now, for a very short time, as happy as
possible, in the possession of a beautiful creature
that I adored, and who every hour grew more and
more upon my heart. The scheme of a Fellow-
ship, which I never relished, was now abandoned,
and it was determined that, when I had taken my
degree of Bachelor of Arts, I should go to the
Temple, study the law, and be called to the Bar.

The tranquil and happy life I spent, for a short
period after my marriage, was too good to last.
My wife's brother, jealous of the affection which
her grandfather bore her and of the esteem he
was beginning to entertain for me, notwithstand-
ing my irregular introduction into the family,
contrived by a thousand indirect means to sow
feuds and dissensions between us, and at length
succeeded so far that we were obliged to break
off all connection with my wife's family, who
began to treat us with all possible slight and dis-
respect. We removed, in consequence, to my
father's, who then resided near Clane, in the county
of Kildare, and whose circumstances could, at
that time, but ill bear such an addition to his
family. It is doing him, however, but justice to
mention, that he received and treated us with
the greatest affection and kindness, and, as far
as he was able, endeavoured to make us forget
the grievous mortifications we had undergone.

15

EARLY LIFE [1786-87

After an interval of a few months, my wife was
brought to bed of a girl, a circumstance which, if
possible, increased my love for her a thousandfold ;
but our tranquillity was again broken in upon by a
most terrible event. On the 16th October, 1786,
the house was broken open by a gang of robbers,
to the number of six, armed with pistols, and hav-
ing their faces blacked. Having tied the whole
family, they proceeded to plunder and demolish
every article they could find, even to the unprof-
itable villainy of breaking the china, looking-
glasses, etc. At length, after two hours, a maid-
servant, whom they had tied negligently, having
made her escape, they took the alarm, and fled with
precipitation, leaving the house such a scene of
horror and confusion as can hardly be imagined.
With regard to myself, it is impossible to conceive
what I suffered. As it was early in the night I
happened to be in the courtyard, where I was seized
and tied by the gang, who then proceeded to break
into the house, leaving a ruffian sentinel over me,
with a brace of pistols cocked in his hand. In this
situation I lay for two hours, and could hear dis-
tinctly the devastation which was going on within.
I expected death every instant, and I can safely and
with great truth declare, that my apprehensions for
my wife had so totally absorbed the whole of my
mind, that my own existence was then the least of
my concern. When the villains, including my
sentry, ran off, I scrambled on my feet with some
16

1786-87] COUNTRY LIFE

difficulty, and made my way to a window, where
I called, but received no answer. My heart died
within me. I proceeded to another and another,
but still no answer. It was horrible. I set myself
to gnaw the cords with which I was tied, in a trans-
port of agony and rage, for I verily believed that
my whole family lay murdered within, when I was
relieved from my unspeakable terror and anguish
by my wife's voice, which I heard calling on my
name at the end of the house. It seems that, as soon
as the robbers fled, those within had untied each
other with some difficulty, and made their escape
through a back window : they had got a consider-
able distance from the house, before, in their fright,
they recollected me, of whose fate they were utterly
ignorant, as I was of theirs. Under these circum-
stances, my wife had the courage to return alone,
and, in the dark, to find me out, not knowing but
she might again fall into the hands of the villains,
from whom she had scarcely escaped, or that I
might be lying a lifeless carcase at the threshold.
I can imagine no greater effort of courage ; but of
what is not a woman capable for him she truly
loves ? She cut the cords which bound me, and
at length we joined the rest of the family at a little
hamlet within half a mile of the house, where they
had fled for shelter. Of all the adventures wherein
I have been hitherto engaged, this, undoubtedly,
was the most horrible. It makes me shudder even
now to think of it.

(4,409) j 7 s

EARLY LIFE [1786-87

This terrible scene, destroyed, in a great degree,
our domestic enjoyments. I slept continually with
a case of pistols at my pillow, and a mouse could
not stir that I was not on my feet and through the
house from top to bottom. If any one knocked
at the door after nightfall, we flew to our arms,
and, in this manner, we kept a most painful garrison
through the winter. I should observe here, that
two of the ruffians being taken in an unsuccessful
attempt, within a few days after our robbery, were
hanged, and that my father's watch was found on
one of them.

At length, when our affairs were again reduced
into some little order, my father supplied me with
a small sum of money, which was, however, as
much as he could spare, and I set off for London,
leaving my wife and daughter with my father, who
treated them, during my absence, with great affec-
tion. After a dangerous passage to Liverpool,
wherein we ran some risk of being lost, I arrived
in London in January, 1787, and immediately
entered my name as a student at law on the books
of the Middle Temple ; but this I may say was
all the progress I ever made in that profession.

As I foresaw by this time that I should never be
Lord Chancellor, and as my mind was naturally
active, a scheme occurred to me, to the maturing
of which I devoted some time and study : this was
a proposal to the minister to establish a colony in
one of Cook's newly discovered islands in the
18

1786-87] HELPING ENGLAND

South Sea on a military plan, for all my ideas ran
in that track, in order to put a bridle on Spain in
time of peace, and to annoy her grievously in that
quarter in time of war. In arranging this system,
which I think even now was a good one for England,
I read every book I could find relating to South
America, as Ulloa, Anson, Dampier, Woodes
Rogers, Narborough, and especially the Bucaniers,
who were my heroes, and whom I proposed to
myself as the archetypes of the future colonists.

At length I drew up a memorial on the subject,
which I addressed to Mr. Pitt, and delivered with
my own hands to the porter in Downing Street.
We waited, I will not say patiently, for about ten
days, when I addressed a letter to the minister,
mentioning my memorial, and praying an
answer, but this application was as unsuccessful as
the former. Mr. Pitt took not the smallest notice
of either memorial or letter, and all the benefit I
reaped from my scheme was the amusement it
afforded me during three months, wherein it was
the subject of my constant speculation. I regret
these delightful reveries which then occupied my
mind. It was my first essay in what I may call
politics, and my disappointment made such an im-
pression on me as is not yet quite obliterated.

In my anger I made something like a vow, that,

if ever I had an opportunity, I would make Mr.

Pitt sorry, and perhaps fortune may yet enable

me to fulfil that resolution. It was about this time

19

EARLY LIFE [1788-89

I had. a very fortunate escape : my affairs were
exceedingly embarrassed., and just at a moment
when my mind was harassed and sore with my
own vexations I received a letter from my father,
filled, with complaints, and a description of the
ruin of his circumstances, which I afterwards found
was much exaggerated. In a transport of rage, I
determined to enlist as a soldier in the India Com-
pany's service ; to quit Europe for ever, and to
leave my wife and child to the mercy of her family,
who might, I hoped, be kinder to her when I was
removed. My brother combated this desperate
resolution by every argument in his power ; but,
at length, when he saw me determined, he declared
I should not go alone, and that he would share my
fate to the last extremity. In this gloomy state of
mind, deserted, as we thought, by gods and men,
we set out together for the India House, in Leaden-
hall Street, to offer ourselves as volunteers ; but
on our arrival there, we were informed that the
season was passed, that no more ships would be
sent out that year ; but that, if we returned about
the month of March following, we might be
received. The clerk, to whom we addressed our-
selves, seemed not a little surprised at two young
fellows of our appearance presenting ourselves on
such a business, for we were extremely well dressed,
and Will, who was the spokesman for us both,
had an excellent address. Thus were we stopped,
and I believe we were the single instance, since the
20

1788-89] MORE AMOURS

beginning of the world, of two men, absolutely
bent on ruining themselves, who could not find
the means. We returned to my chambers, and,
desperate as were our fortunes, we could not help
laughing at the circumstance that India, the great
gulf of all undone beings, should be shut against
us alone. Had it been the month of March instead
of September, we should most infallibly have gone
off; and, in that case, I should most probably,
at this hour, be carrying a brown musket on the
coast of Coromandel. Providence, however,
decreed it otherwise, and reserved me, as I hope,
for better things.

At the age of four and twenty,* with a tolerable
figure and address, in an idle and luxurious Capital,
it will not be supposed I was without adventures
with the fair sex. The Englishmen neglect their
wives exceedingly in many essential circumstances.
I was totally disengaged and did not fail to profit,
as far as I could, by their neglect, and English
women are not naturally cruel. I formed, in
consequence, several delightful connections in Lon-
don, and as I was extremely discreet, I have the
satisfaction to think that not one of those to whom
I had the good fortune to render myself agreeable
ever suffered the slightest blemish in her reputation
on my account. I cherish, yet, with affection the

* Suppressed by Tone's son. One wonders if Tone wrote
these autobiographical notes, as he wrote his diary, for other
eyes.

21

EARLY LIFE [1788-89

memory of one charming woman to whom I
was extremely attached, and I am sure she still
remembers me with a mutual regard.

I had been now two years at the Temple, and
had kept eight terms, that is to say, I had dined
three days in each term in the common hall. As
to law, I knew exactly as much about it as I did of
necromancy. It became, however, necessary to
think of my return, and, in consequence, I made
application, through a friend, to my wife's grand-
father, to learn his intentions as to her fortune.
He exerted himself so effectually in our behalf that
the old gentleman consented to give ^500 immedi-
ately, and expressed a wish for my immediate return.
In consequence, I packed up directly and set off,
with my brother, for Ireland. We landed at
Dublin the 23rd December, and on Christmas Day,
1788, arrived at my father's house at Blackhall,
where I had the satisfaction to find all my family
in health, except my wife, who was grown delicate,
principally from the anxiety of her mind on the
uncertainty of her situation. Our little girl was
now between two and three years old, and was
charming. After remaining a few days at Black-
hall, we came up to Dublin, and were received as
at first, in Grafton Street, by my wife's family. Mr.
Fanning paid me punctually the sum he had pro-
mised, and my wife and I both flattered ourselves
that all past animosities were forgotten, and that
the reconciliation was as sincere on their part as it
22

1790] THE PATRIOT EMERGES

most assuredly was on ours. I now took lodgings
in Clarendon Street, purchased about j[,ioo worth
of law books, and determined, in earnest, to begin
and study the profession to which I was doomed ;
in pursuance of this resolution, I commenced
Bachelor of Laws in February, 1789, and was called
to the Bar in due form, in Trinity term following ;
shortly after which I went my first (the Leinster)
circuit, having been previously elected a member
of the Bar club. On this circuit, notwithstanding
my ignorance, I pretty nearly cleared my expenses ;
and I cannot doubt, if I had continued to apply
sedulously to the law, but I might have risen to
some eminence ; but, whether it was my incor-
rigible habits of idleness, the sincere dislike I had
to the profession, which the litde insight I was
beginning to get into it did not tend to remove,
or whether it was a controlling destiny, I know
not, but so it was, that I soon got sick and weary of
the law. I continued, however, for form's sake,
to go to the courts, and wear a foolish wig and
gown, for a considerable time, and I went the
circuit, I believe, in all, three times ; but, as I was,
modestly speaking, one of the most ignorant bar-
risters in the Four Courts, and as I took little, or,
rather, no pains to conceal my contempt and dislike
for the profession, and especially as I had neither
the means nor the inclination to treat messieurs
the attorneys, and to make them drink (a sacrifice
of their respectability, which even the most liberal-
23

EARLY LIFE [1790

minded of the profession are obliged to make),
I made, as may well be supposed, no great exhibition
at the Irish Bar.

Just at this period the Whig Club was instituted
in Ireland, and the press groaned with publications
against them on the part of Government. Two or
three defences had likewise appeared, but none of
them extraordinary. Under these circumstances,
though I was very far from entirely approving the
system of the Whig Club, and much less their prin-
ciples and motives, yet, seeing them at the time the
best constituted political body which the country
afforded, and agreeing with most of their positions,
though my own private opinions went infinitely
further, I thought I could venture on their defence
without violating my own consistency. I there-
fore sat down, and in a few days finished my first
pamphlet, which I entitled " A Review of the Last
Session of Parliament ! "

I now looked upon myself as a sort of political
character, and began to suppose that the House of
Commons, and not the Bar, was to be the scene of
my future exertions ; but in this I reckoned like a
sanguine young man.

I thought I had at last found my element, and I
plunged into it with eagerness. A closer examina-
tion into the situation of my native country had
very considerably extended my views, and, as I was
sincerely and honestly attached to her interests,
I made speedily what was to me a great dis-
24

1790]

NATIONALIST CONSIDERATIONS

covery, though I might have found it in Swift
and Molyneux, that the influence of England was
the Radical vice of our Government, and conse-
quently that Ireland would never be either free,
prosperous, or happy, until she was independent,
and that independence was unattainable whilst the
connection with England existed. In forming this
theory, which has ever since unvaryingly directed
my political conduct, to which I have sacrificed
everything, and am ready to sacrifice my life if
necessary, I was exceedingly assisted by an old
friend of mine, Sir Lawrence Parsons,* whom I look
upon as one of the very, very few honest men in the
Irish House of Commons. It was he who first
turned my attention on this great question, but I
very soon ran far ahead of my master. It is in fact
to him I am indebted for the first comprehensive
view of the actual situation of Ireland ; what his
conduct might be in a crisis, I know not, but I can
answer for the truth and justice of his theory. I
now began to look on the little politics of the Whig
Club with great contempt ; their peddling about
petty grievances, instead of going to the root of
the evil, and I rejoiced that, if I was poor, as I

* Sir Lawrence Parsons, 1758-1841, later Earl of Rosse,
member for Queen's County, was " one of the few honest
men in the Irish House of Commons." He distinguished him-
self in 1795, during the Fitzwilliam episode, by attacking the
English Government for its refusal to meet Catholic claims,
and proposed a short Supply Bill to indicate the disapproval
of the Irish House. Later he as valiantly opposed the Union.
Tone speaks of him once as " my friend."

25

EARLY LIFE [1790

actually was, I had preserved my independence,
and could speak my sentiments without being
responsible to anybody but the law.

Shortly after the premature end of my second
pamphlet we came to an open rupture with my
wife's family. One circumstance is sufficient to
prove that the breach was not of our seeking, viz.
that we had everything to lose and nothing to
gain by a quarrel, whereas by removing my wife
from her grandfather's presence, who was very
fond of her, any portion of his fortune he might
intend for her would naturally be divided among
the rest. Of course it was their interest to provoke
as it was ours to avoid hostilities. My wife's health
was at this time in a very delicate state, when her
brother, the captain, thought proper one day to
insult her grossly, and almost to strike her. I
should not mention this circumstance if it were
not to give me an opportunity of recording my
brother William's behaviour on the occasion.*

He took an opportunity to see Captain Wither-
ington and told him in three words that he must
either come the next morning and apologize to
his sister for his brutality, or fight him. Wither-
ington seemed inclined to do neither, and my
brother left him telling him he should hear from
him the next day. Witherington, however, spared
him the trouble, for he was with him the next

* This paragraph and the next two were suppressed by Tone's
son.

26

1790] NATIONALIST CONSIDERATIONS

morning at seven o'clock, and repeated an apology
to my wife which my brother dictated. When he
had finished his apology he added from himself
that he thought still he was in the right, on which
my brother told him that spoiled all and that he
must repeat the apology a second time, simply and
without any qualification, which the captain
thought proper to do, and my brother dismissed
him with a very severe rebuke, in which he made
use of expressions such as no officer or gentleman
ought to have submitted to.

At the time of this I was in the country, and on
my return they told me all that had passed, and
my wife declared her resolution never again to
expose herself to similar treatment. Shortly after
I met Captain Witherington in the street. He
asked me was I apprised of what had passed ? I
told him I was. He asked me then what I thought
of it. I replied that I approved of everything my
wife and brother had said and done, and that I
condemned the whole of his conduct except his
apology. I added that if he was dissatisfied with
that I was ready to explain with him in any manner
he thought proper. He replied he was perfectly
satisfied with his own conduct. I said, in that
case, that I had nothing further to say to him. All
intercourse from that forward ceased between us,
and the captain had after all the satisfaction to
intercept any addition which might have been
made to my wife's fortune by her grandfather, as
27

EARLY LIFE [1790

the old gentleman died shortly after at a very
advanced age without seeing her. It is unnecessary
to observe on the magnanimous behaviour of my
brother on the occasion I have just recounted, nor
does it stand in need of the contrasted meanness
of his adversary to set it off. I hope I should in
similar circumstances manifest the same readiness
to protect his wife and defend his honour.

About this time it was that I formed an acquaint-
ance with my invaluable friend Russell,* a circum-
stance which I look upon as one of the most
fortunate of my life. He is a man whom I love
as a brother. I will not here attempt a panegyric
on his merits ; it is sufficient to say, that, I frame
no system of happiness for my future life in which
the enjoyment of his society does not constitute
a most distinguishing feature, and, if I am ever
inclined to murmur at the difficulties wherewith
I have so long struggled, I think on the inestimable
treasure I possess in the affection of my wife and
the friendship of Russell, and I acknowledge that
all my labours and sufferings are overpaid. I may
truly say, that, even at this hour, when I am sepa-
rated from both of them, and uncertain whether

* Thomas Russell (1767-1803), referred to in the diary as
P.P., was a Cork man. He helped to found the United Irish-
men, was arrested in 1796, and spent six years in jail. He
became involved in Emmet's insurrection, and was hanged on
a charge of high treason. A lovable creature, a devoted friend,
a sincere patriot, he might for all that never have been recorded
if it were not for Tone's admiration for him — teasing, mocking,
but always affectionate.

28

i 7 9o] DELICIOUS DAYS

I may ever be so happy as to see them again, there
is no action of my life which has not a remote
reference to their opinion, which I equally prize.
When I think I have acted well, and that I am
likely to succeed in the important business wherein
I am engaged, I say often to myself, " My dearest
love and my friend Russell will be glad of this.' '

My wife's health continuing still delicate, she was
ordered by her physician to bathe in the salt water.
I hired, in consequence, a little box of a house on
the sea side, at Irishtown, where we spent the
summer of 1790. Russell and I were inseparable,
and, as our discussions were mostly political, and
our sentiments agreed exactly, we extended our
views, and fortified each other in the opinions to
the propagation and establishment of which we
have ever since been devoted. I recall with trans-
port the happy days we spent together during that
period ; the delicious dinners, in the preparation
of which my wife, Russell, and myself were all
engaged ; the afternoon walks, the discussions we
had, as we lay stretched on the grass. It was
delightful !

Sometimes, too, my brother William used to
join us for a week, from the county Kildare, where
he resided with my brother Matthew, who had
lately commenced a cotton manufactory at Pros-
perous in that county. When Russell, my brother,
and I were assembled, it is impossible to conceive
of a happier society. I know not whether our wit
29

EARLY LIFE [1790

was perfectly classical or not, nor does it signify.
If it was not sterling, at least it passed current
amongst ourselves. If I may judge, we were none
of us destitute of the humour indigenous in the
soil of Ireland ; for three of us I can answer, they
possessed it in an eminent degree ; add to this, I
was the only one of the four who was not a poet,
or at least a maker of verses : so that every day
produced a ballad, or some poetical squib, which
amused us after dinner, and, as our conversation
turned upon no ribaldry, or indecency, my wife
and sister never left the table. These were delicious
days.

This winter T frn<fl eavoured to jns f1 ' flltp a kind of
political club, from which I expected great things.
It consisted of seven or eight members, eminent
for their talents and /patriotism, and who had
already more or less distinguished themselves by
their literary productions. They were John Stack,
Fellow of Trinity College ; Dr. Wm. Drennan,*
author of the celebrated letters signed Orellana ;
Joseph Pollock, author of the still more justly cele-
brated letters of Owen Roe O'Neil ; Peter Bur-
rowes, a barrister, a man of a most powerful and
comprehensive mind ; William Johnson, a lawyer,
also of respectable talents ; Whitley Stokes, a Fellow

* William Drennan (1754-1820) was a song-writer of some
distinction. His best-known verses are The Wake of William
Orr. He founded The Belfast Magazine. Whitley Stokes
(1763-1845) was a Professor of Physics at Trinity College.

30

1790] THOMAS ADDIS EMMET

of Trinity College, a man the extent and variety of
whose knowledge is only to be exceeded by the
number and intensity of his virtues ; Russell, a cor-
responding member, and myself. As our political
opinions, at that time, agreed in most essential
points, however they may have since differed, and
as this little club most certainly comprised a great
proportion of information, talents, and integrity,
it might naturally be expected that some distin-
guished publications should be the result ; yet, I
know not how it was, we did not draw well
together ; our meetings degenerated into down-
right ordinary suppers ; we became a mere oyster
club, and, at length, a misunderstanding, or, rather,
a rooted dislike to each other, which manifested
itself between Drennan and Pollock (who were
completely Caesar and Pompey with regard to
literary empire), joined to the retreat of John Stack
to his living in the North, and the little good we
saw resulting from our association, induced us to
drop off one by one, and thus, after three or four
months of sickly existence, our club departed this
life, leaving behind it a puny offspring of about a
dozen essays on different subjects, all, as may be
supposed, tolerable, but not one of any distinguished
excellence.

In recording the names of the members of the

Club, I find I have strangely omitted the name of

a man whom, as well for his talents as his principles,

I esteem as much as any, far more than most of

31

EARLY LIFE [1790

them, I mean Thomas Addis Emmet,* a barrister.
He is a man completely after my own heart ; of
a great and comprehensive mind ; of the warmest
and sincerest affection for his friends ; and of a
firm and steady adherence to his principles, to
which he has sacrificed much, as I know, and
would, I am sure, if necessary, sacrifice his life.
His opinions and mine square exactly. In classing
the men I most esteem, I would place him beside
Russell, at the head of the list ; because, with
regard to them both, the most ardent feelings of
my heart coincide exactly with the most severe
decision of my judgment. There are men whom
I regard as much as it is possible. I am sure, for
example, if there be on earth such a thing as sincere
friendship, I feel it for Whitley Stokes, for George
Knox, and for Peter Burro wes. They are men
whose talents I admire, whose virtues I reverence,
and whose persons I love ; but the regard which
I feel for them, sincere and affectionate as it is, is
certainly not of the same species with that which
I entertain for Russell and Emmet. Between us
there has been, from the very commencement of
our acquaintance, a coincidence of sentiment, a
harmony of feelings on points which we all consci-
entiously consider as of the last importance, which

* Thomas Addis Emmet (1764-1827), a Cork man, was one

of the Directorate of the United Irishmen. In 1798 he was

arrested and kept in jail for four years. He died in America,

one of the most distinguished members of the New York Bar.

32

i 7 9i] THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

binds us in the closest ties to each other. We have
unvaryingly been devoted to the pursuit of the
same object, by the same means ; we have had a
fellowship in our labours ; a society in our dangers ;
our hopes, our fears, our wishes, our friends, and
our enemies, have been the same. When all this
is considered, and the talents and principles of the
men taken into the account, it will not be wondered
at if I esteem Russell and Emmet as the first of
my friends.

The French Revolution had now been above a
twelvemonth in its progress ; at its commencement,
as the first emotions are generally honest, every one
was in its favour ; but, after some time, the prob-
able consequences to monarchy and aristocracy
began to be foreseen, and the partisans of both
to retrench considerably in their admiration.

In England, Burke had the triumph completely
to decide the public ; fascinated by an eloquent
publication, which flattered so many of their pre-
judices, and animated by their unconquerable hatred
of France, which no change of circumstances could
alter, the whole English nation, it may be said,
retracted from their first decision in favour of the
glorious and successful efforts of the French people ;
they sickened at the prospect of the approaching
liberty and happiness of that mighty nation : they
calculated, as merchants, the probable effects which
the energy of regenerated France might have on
their commerce ; they rejoiced when they saw

(4,409) ,3 ^

EARLY LIFE [1791

the combination of despots formed to restore the
ancient system, and perhaps to dismember the
monarchy ; and they waited with impatience for
an occasion, which, happily for mankind, they soon
found, when they might, with some appearance
of decency, engage in person in the infamous con-
test.

But matters were very different in Ireland, an
oppressed, insulted, and plundered nation. As we
well knew, experimentally, what it was to be en-
slaved, we sympathized most sincerely with the
French people, and watched their progress to free-
dom with the utmost anxiety ; we had not, like
England, a prejudice rooted in our very nature
against France. As the Revolution advanced, and
as events expanded themselves, the public spirit of
Ireland rose with a rapid acceleration. The fears
and animosities of the aristocracy rose in the same,
or a still higher proportion. In a little time the
French Revolution became the test of every man's
political creed, and the nation was fairly divided
into two great parties, the Aristocrats and the
Democrats (epithets borrowed from France), who
have ever since been measuring each other's strength,
and carrying on a kind of smothered war, which the
course of events, it is highly probable, may soon
call into energy and action.

It is needless, I believe, to say that I was a Demo-
crat from the very commencement, and, as all the
retainers of Government, including the sages and
34

1791] CHOICE OF CAREER

judges of the law, were, of course, on the other side,
this gave the coup de grace to any expectations, if any
such I had, of my succeeding at the Bar, for I soon
became pretty notorious ; but, in fact, I had for some
time renounced all hope, and, I may say, all desire,
of succeeding in a profession which I alway disliked,
and which the political prostitution of its members
(though otherwise men of high honour and of
great personal worth) had taught me sincerely to
despise. I therefore seldom went near the Four
Courts, nor did I adopt any one of the means, and,
least of all, the study of the law, which are success-
fully employed by those young men whose object
it is to rise in their profession.

It was pretty much about this time that my
connection with the Catholic body commenced
in a manner which I am about to relate. I cannot
pretend to strict accuracy as to dates, for I write
entirely from memory ; all my papers being in
America.

Russell had, on his arrival to join his regiment
at Belfast, found the people so much to his taste,
and in return had rendered himself so agreeable to
them, that he was speedily admitted into their con-
fidence, and became a member of several of their
clubs. This was an unusual circumstance, as
British officers, it may well be supposed, were
no great favourites with the Republicans of Belfast.

Russell wrote me an account of all this, and it
immediately set me on thinking more seriously
35

EARLY LIFE [1791

than I had yet done upon the state of Ireland. I
soon formed my theory, and on that theory I have
unvaryingly acted ever since.

To subvert the tyranny of our execrable Govern-
ment, to break the connection with England, the
never-failing source of all our political evils, and to
assert the independence of my country — these were
my objects. To unite the whole people of Ireland,
to abolish the memory of all past dissentions, and
to substitute the common name of Irishman in
place of the denominations of Protestant, Catholic,
and Dissenter — these were my means. To effectu-
ate these great objects, I reviewed the three great
sects. The Protestants I despaired of from the outset
for obvious reasons. Already in possession by an
unjust monopoly of the whole power and patronage
of the country, it was not to be supposed they would
ever concur in measures the certain tendency of
which must be to lessen their influence as a party,
how much soever the nation might gain. To the
Catholics I thought it unnecessary to address myself,
because, that as no change could make their political
situation worse, I reckoned upon their support to
a certainty ; besides, they had already begun to
manifest a strong sense of their wrongs and oppres-
sions ; and, finally, I well knew that, however it
might be disguised or suppressed, there existed in
the breast of every Irish Catholic an inextirpable
abhorrence of the English name and power. There
remained only the Dissenters, whom I knew to be
36

i 7 9i] ANOTHER PAMPHLET

patriotic and enlightened ; however, the recent
events at Belfast had showed me that all prejudice
was not yet entirely removed from their minds.
I sat down accordingly, and wrote a pamphlet
addressed to the Dissenters, and which I entitled,
" An Argument on behalf of the Catholics of
Ireland," the object of which was to convince them
that they and the Catholics had but one common
interest and one common enemy ; that the depres-
sion and slavery of Ireland was produced and per-
petuated by the divisions existing between them,
and that, consequently, to assert the independence
of their country, and their own individual liberties,
it was necessary to forget all former feuds, to con-
solidate the entire strength of the whole nation,
and to form for the future but; one people. These
principles I supported by the best arguments which
suggested themselves to me, and particularly by
demonstrating that the cause of the failure of all
former efforts, and more especially of the Volun-
teer Convention in 1783, was the unjust neglect
of the claims of their Catholic brethren. This
pamphlet* which appeared in September, 1791,
under the signature of A Northern Whig, had a
considerable degree of success. As my pamphlet

* " An extremely able pamphlet . . . remarkable for the
clearness with which it sounded a note which now became
common in Irish popular politics — unqualified hatred of the
Irish Parliament and profound contempt for the revolution of
1782. It is said that not less than ten thousand copies were
sold." (Lecky, vol. iii. p. 10 following.)

37

EARLY LIFE [1791

spread more and more, my acquaintance amongst
the Catholics extended accordingly. My first
friend in the body was John Keogh,* and through
him I became acquainted with all the leaders, as
Richard McCormick, John Sweetman, Edward
Byrne, Thomas Braughall, — in short, the whole
sub-committee, and most of the active members
of the General Committee. In short, I began to
grow into something like reputation, and my
company was, in a manner, a requisite all that
winter.

The Volunteers of Belfast, of the first or green
company, were pleased, in consequence of my
pamphlet, to elect me an honorary member of
their corps, a favour which they were very delicate
in bestowing, as I believe I was the only person,
except the great Henry Flood, who was ever
honoured with that mark of their approbation. I
was also invited to spend a few days in Belfast, in
order to assist in framing the first club of United

* John Keogh (1740-18 17) the Gog of the diaries, was a man
whose name has never been adequately (if indeed at all)
honoured by Irishmen. For something like forty years he
laboured for the Catholics. He planted the seed of fire that
O'Connell blew to a flame. Without him O'Connell might
well have had to be another Keogh — preparing the way for
another man. Before Keogh there was nothing. After Keogh
there was a new spirit, due almost entirely to the exertions and
example of this one obscure man. His patient methods did not
commend themselves to Tone, who, nevertheless, recognized
his integrity and persistence. What O'Connell was to the
Young Irelanders, Keogh and the Catholic Committee was to
the United Irishmen.

38

i 7 9i] THE FIRST "UNITED IRISHMEN"

Irishmen, and to cultivate a personal acquaintance
with those men whom, though I highly esteemed,
I knew as yet but by reputation. In consequence,
about the beginning of October, I went down
with my friend Russell, who had, by this time,
quit the army, and was in Dublin, on his private
affairs. The incidents of that journey, which was
by far the most agreeable and interesting one I
had ever made, I recorded in a kind of diary, a
practice which I then commenced, and have ever
since, from time to time, continued, as circum-
stances of sufficient importance occurred. To that
diary I refer.

39

[1791

II

THE DIARY OF A MILD CONSPIRATOR

July 14th. I sent down to Belfast, resolutions
suited to this day, and reduced to three heads.
1st. That -English influence in Ireland was the great
grievance of the country. 2nd. That the most
effectual way to oppose it was by a reform in
Parliament. 3rd. That no reform could be just
or efficacious which did not include the Catholics,
which last opinion, however, in concession to
prejudices, was rather insinuated than asserted.

October nth. Arrived at Belfast late, and was
introduced to Digges, but no material conversation.
Bonfires, illuminations, firing twenty-one guns,
Volunteers, etc.

October 12th. Introduced to McTier and Sinclair.
A meeting between Russell, McTier, Macabe, and
me. Mode of doing business by a Secret Committee,
who are not known or suspected of co-operating,
but who, in fact, direct the movements of Belfast.
Much conversation about the Catholics, and their
committee, etc., of which they know wonderfully
little at Blefescu. Settled to dine with the Secret
40

i 7 9i] CONVIVIALITY cum CONSPIRACY

Committee* at Drew's, on Saturday, when the
resolutions, etc., of the United Irish will be sub-
mitted. Sent them off, and sat down to new model
the former copy. Very curious to see how the
thermometer of Blefescu has risen, as to politics.
Christened Russell P. P. Clerk of this Parish.
Sinclair asked us to dine and meet Digges, which
we acceded to with great affability. Went to
Sinclair, and dined. A great deal of general politics
and wine. Paine's book, the Koran of Blefescu.
History of the Down and Antrim elections. The
Reeve of the shire a semi- Whig. P. P. very drunk.
Home ; bed.

October 13th. Much good jesting in bed, at the ex-
pense of P. P. Laughed myself into good humour.
Rose. Breakfast. Made further alterations in the
resolutions, by advice of Digges. Went to Gordons.
Very respectable people, and a large company.
Drank nothing. Went, at nine, to the card club,
with Gordon and P. P. Came home early, much
fatigued, and went to bed.

October 14th. Walked all about the town, seeing
sights. Four o'clock ; went to dinner to meet the
Secret Committee. Agreed to the resolutions
unanimously. Resolved to transmit a copy to
Tandy, "\ and request his and his fellow citizens'

* The Belfast Volunteers had given birth to a secret political
club. The various people mentioned in this and following
entries were members.

j* James Napper Tandy (1740-1803), immortalized by the
reference to him in The Wearing of the Green, prominent in

41

A MILD CONSPIRATOR [1791

co-operation, from which great benefit is expected
to result to the cause, by reflecting back credit on
the United Irishmen of Blefescu.

October 15th. Digges came in to supper. I had
been lecturing P. P. on the state of his nerves, and
the necessity of early hours ; to which he agreed,
and, as the first fruits of my advice and his reforma-
tion, sat up with Digges until three o'clock in the
morning, being four hours after I had gone to bed.

October i6th> Sunday. Breakfast, Digges, Jordan,
and Macabe. Church — a vile sermon from Bris-
towe (called Caiaphas) against smuggling, etc., and
about loyalty, and all that. P. P. in great sorrow
and distress of mind ; resolved to leave off smug-
gling, which is injurious to the fair trader.

October 17th. Breakfast, McDonnell, McAugh-
trey, Bryson, Digges, P. P., and I. Went to the
inn ; P. P. paid the bill, by which my anxiety as
to my shillings is completely removed ; believe
I owe him now two or three, but shall not inquire.
Came into town early ; went to the theatre ; saw
a man in a white sheet on the stage, who called
himself a Carmelite. P. P. whispered to me, with
a very significant face, not to be too sure he was a

person and in action, impressive and (if Tone is to be believed)
anxious to impress, a genuine patriot, one of the most active
and striking figures of the Volunteers of 1782. He followed
Humbert to Ireland with a little legion of Irishmen, was ulti-
mately taken and sentenced to death in 1801 — then quite an old
man. He was spared, and died an exile in France. Tone's
account of his behaviour, later, is acid.
42

i 7 9i] RIGHTS OF MAN

Carmelite. Puzzled at this ; turned round in a
little time with my doubts to P. P. P. P. asleep.
N.B. — A gentleman, indeed a nobleman, on the
stage, in a white wig, vastly like a gentleman whom
I had seen in the morning, walking the streets in a
brown wig ; one Mr. Atkins, a player. Query,
Was he a lord or not ?

October iSth. Could not sleep ; a cat in the
room ; got up and turned her out ; fell asleep
at last.

October 19th. Mem. P. P. got up very early in
the morning, this day, and wrote three letters before
I was up ; on which proof of the amendment of
his life I remitted the attack which I had intended
to make upon him.

October 22nd. Home early ; no letters. P. P.
in bed before me for the first time. Mem. Met the
man who said on the stage he was a Carmelite,
walking the streets with a woman holding him by
the arm ; the woman painted up to the eyes ; con-
vinced, at last, that he was no Carmelite ; made
my apologies to P. P., who triumphed thereon.

October 2yd, Sunday. Went to the Donegal
Arms and supped on lobsters. Drunk. Very ill-
natured to P. P. P. P. patient. Mem. To do so
no more. Went to bed. Gulled P. P. with non-
sense. Fell asleep.

October 2$th. Dinner at McTier's ; Waddel,
Cunningham, Holmes, Dr. Bruce, etc. A furious
battle, which lasted two hours, on the Catholic
43

A MILD CONSPIRATOR [1791

question ; as usual, neither party convinced.
Seized with the liberality of people agreeing in
the principle, but doubting as to the expediency.
Bruce an intolerant high priest ; argued some-
times strongly, sometimes unfairly ; embarrassed
the question by distinctions, and mixing things in
their nature separate. We brought him, at last, to
state his definite objection to the immediate emanci-
pation of the Roman Catholics. His ideas are :
1st. Danger to true religion, inasmuch as the Roman
Catholics would, if emancipated, establish an in-
quisition. 2nd. Danger to property by reviving
the Court of Claims, and admitting any evidence
to substantiate Catholic titles. 3rd. Danger, gener-
ally, of throwing the power into their hands, which
would make this a Catholic Government, incapable
of enjoying or extending liberty. Many other wild
notions, which he afterwards gave up, but these
three he repeated again and again as his creed.
Almost all the company of his opinion, excepting
P. P., who made desperate battle, McTier, Getty,
and me ; against us, Bruce, Cunningham, Grey,
Holmes, Bunting, H. Joy. Ferguson dubitante and
cceteri, all protesting their liberality and good wishes
to the Roman Catholics. Damned stuff. Bruce
declared that thirty-nine out of forty Protestants
would be found, whenever the question came for-
ward, to be adverse to the liberation of the Roman
Catholics, as was the case when Lord Charlemont
put in his veto, and seemed pleased with the idea.
44

I79i] MORE DISCUSSIONS

It may be he was right, but God is above all. Sad
nonsense about scavengers becoming members of
Parliament, and great asperity against the new-
fangled doctrine of the Rights of Man. Broke
up rather ill disposed towards each other. More
and more convinced of the absurdity of arguing over
wine. Went to the United Irish Club. Balloted
in five men, amongst whom were Maclaine and
Getty ; rejected one. Went to the coterie. Jordan
pleasant, as usual. Home at two. Bed.

October 26th. McTier asked what could we do
against England. Sinclair hot. He and P. P. agree
that the army in Ireland would be annihilated, and
could not be replaced. Sinclair defies the power
of England as to our trade ; admits that she could
check it for a time, but that, after the revolution,
it would spring up with inconceivable rapidity,
Ireland being unencumbered with debt. (Singular
that his opinion agrees with Digges, even in the very
words.) My own mind quite made up. Sinclair
bleaches annually 10,000 pieces of linen. P. P.
of opinion that the weakness of England should
be looked to, as well of that of Ireland ; also Mr.
Digges, who says, " The first shot fired by England
against this country, down go her stocks.' ' Home
early. P. P. pretty well on, but not quite gone.
Bed.

45

Ill

THE DIARY OF A LESS MILD
CONSPIRATOR

Notes, letters, etc., of 1792. Journal of the Proceed-
ings of Mr. John Hutton on his second embassy to
Belfast; also his dealings with the Catholics, in-
cluding his combinations with sundry dissenting
Republicans, and his plan for a general system of
Irish Jacobins*

Monday, July $th. Set out posting with the
Keeper of the College Lions for Belfast {Whitley
Stokes) — Breakfast at the Man-of-War ; missed
poor P. P. sadly. The Keeper dull. Proposed
piquet ; agreed to ; played very fair ; doubt that
the Keeper is a blackleg. Nothing material until

* Tone had meantime been appointed Assistant Secretary to
the Catholic Committee at a salary of ,£200 per annum. The
prospects for the Catholics were favourable. In February Sir
Hercules Langrishe had introduced a Catholic Relief Bill. It
was the third such Bill, the others being Gardiner's of 1778, and
the Bills collectively known as Gardiner's Second Relief Bill
of 1782 — the relief gained by the threats of the Volunteers.
They removed some of the worst features of the cruel Penal
Laws. A fourth Relief Bill came in 1793, and was the last
until Emancipation in 1829.

46

1792] STILL DEFENDING THE CATHOLICS

Dundalk ; scored ten there for a man leading a pig
in a string. Ditto at Loughbrickland ; game at
Banbridge ; the Keeper 55, Mr. Hutton 95. Sleep
at Banbridge.

10th. Set off early ; see a cat before we come
to the bridge ; game. — The Keeper mortified.
Very pretty amusement for a statesman and a
philosopher. O Lord ! O Lord ! — On an average,
about a cat and one-seventh of a cat per mile on the
great northern road. Make no other remark of any
importance or use on the journey. — Arrive at
Belfast at one o'clock ; learn that the first company
is at exercise, and dine upon Waddel Cunningham.
Unpack in a hurry, and dress in regimentals ; run
off to the field and leave the Keeper to fag. Meet
everybody. Cunningham very civil ; dine in the
tent, at the right hand of the Captain. After dinner
the whole company turn out and dance on the field ;
vastly French ; march into town in the evening,
" all with magnanimity and benevolence" Sup with
Ncilson and the old set ; very much tired after my
journey. Bed at one o'clock.

12th. Dinner at the Hypocrite's. Read the
address from the committee ; Waddel Cunning-
ham opposes it, without assigning any reason.
Neilson at him. At last out it comes. The
coming down of Mr. Hutton has given great
alarm, especially as he has brought with him some
man from the college, whom no one knows. The
company all laugh ; Cunningham goes off in a pet.
47

A LESS MILD CONSPIRATOR [1792

The address read, paragraph by paragraph, and
approved unanimously, except that part which
relates to the Catholics, which had H. Joy's single
negative. Address to the National Assembly read
and approved in like manner. Broke up. Home.
Bed as usual at half-past one. Damned bad
hours !

13th. The Harpers again. Strum strum and be
hanged. Hear that several Catholics have been
seen; run to try; find Magog, Weldon, and others,
to a large amount. The hair of Dr. Haliday's wig
miraculously grows grey with fear of the Catholics.
Several comets appear in the market-place. Walk
the Catholics about to show them the lions. See
a figure of Commerce at the insurance office ; the
Catholics mistake it for an image, and kneel down,
take out their beads, and say their prayers before it ;
leave them at the Exchange, and go to dinner with
Simms. The old set. Drink nothing. Go at
seven to meet the Jacobins. The time-to-time
people say with great gravity that Mr. Hutton is
come to force seditious papers down their throats.
Mr. Hutton a man of great consequence, as it
seems. The Keeper, who is in the plot, a cunning
hand ; all day out picking up clay, etc., the better
to conceal his designs, but Waddel and Joy too
knowing to be had in that manner. Mr. Hutton
almost angry at all this nonsense, and very sorry
that any man, woman, or child in Belfast should
listen to such trash. Expect a sharp opposition
48

1792] "MODERATION IS NONSENSE"

tomorrow. Bed. A plot ! a plot ! Neilson
comes to my bedside at one o'clock, with orders
to prepare for battle in the morning. Passing by
a room in the inn, he heard Cunningham's voice
very loud ; the door being half open, he went in
and found, to his utter astonishment, delegates from
the country corps, with Waddel haranguing against
the Catholics, and talking of some sedition intended
to be broached the next day. Waddel taken all
aback by this apparition of Neilson. Neilson abuses
him and reads the papers ; the company breaks
up without coming to any determination, but
Neilson expects hot work in the morning. Waddel

a . Sleep at last, about two.

14th July, era of the French Revolution ! A council
of war held in a potato field, adjacent to the review
ground. Present, the Draper in the chair, the Trib-
une, his brother George, Dr. Crawford, of Lis-
burn ; Rev. Mr. Craig, Dr. McKenna, and Mr.
Hutton : all fools except the first and last. Craw-
ford and Tandy frightened out of their wits. We
are undone ; shall be defeated ; all the country
corps decidedly against us, from the report of some
seditious paper (the old story) ; better to adopt
something moderate, that shall include all parties ;
danger of disunion ; risk of credit if we should
even succeed by a small majority, which is the best
that can be hoped ; the country folks afraid ; da
capo, etc. Moderation — nonsense ! March into
town at three. Meet Haslitt and Neilson : take

(4,409) 49 6

A LESS MILD CONSPIRATOR [1792

the word " Catholic " out, and put in the word
" Irishmen " of every religious denomination.
Procession. Meeting at the Linen Hall, astonishing
full. Question moved by the Draper. Before
the debate goes on five minutes, satisfied that we
have it hollow ; the Lisburn men, and our good
advisers in the field all mistaken. More and more
satisfied that their moderation is nonsense and stuff.
Carry the question with about five dissenting voices,
among whom are Joy and Waddel Cunningham.
All hollow. Could have carried anything. The
business now fairly settled in Belfast and the neigh-
bourhood. Huzza ! Huzza ! Dinner at the Donegal
Arms. Everybody as happy as a king, but Waddel,
who looks like the Devil himself ! Huzza ! God
bless everybody ! Stanislas Augustus, George
Washington : Beau-jour. Who would have
thought it this morning ? Huzza ! Generally
drunk. — Broke my glass thumping the table.
Home, God knows how or when. Huzza ! God
bless everybody again, generally. — Bed, with three
times three. Sleep at last.

16th. Rise and go to breakfast with Will Simms
at the Grove ; all the Catholics from Dublin there.
Council of war in the garden, Gog, Robert Simms,
and Mr. Hutton. Gog expounds the plan of
organizing the Catholic body. Mr. Hutton takes
the opportunity to press an idea started by P. P.
several months back, for organizing, in a similar
manner, the Dissenting interest. All agree that if

50

i 7 92] IN THE COUNTRY

that could be accomplished, the business would be
done.

ijth. Waked by Neilson, to see Gog, and other
Catholics, before they set off Go to the inn.
Much conversation about the Peep-of-day-boys
and Defenders.

i$tk Rise, and set off with Neilson and young
Lowry, to Rathfriland. In about an hour the
Catholics arrive from Downpatrick. Meet Mr.
Tighe, the Parson, Sam. Barber, the Dissenting
Minister, Mr. Derry, the Priest, and about eighteen
gentlemen of the neighbourhood. Agreed on all
hands that the Protestants were the aggressors.
Several have been killed on both sides. Great
offence taken at the Catholics marching about in
military array, and firing shots at unseasonable
times. The Catholics and Mr. Hutton receive the
thanks of the meeting for their public spirit in
coming down on the occasion. All part on excel-
lent terms. Mr. Hutton meditates attempting an
excursion to Dungannon.

19th. Mr. Hutton, on several occasions, pressed
his friends the Jacobins to try and extend their clubs
through the North. The Draper highly approves
the plan, also Haslitt, also the Tanner and his brother.
The Irish Slave swears he will begin his operations
immediately, as we have talked enough, and it is
time to begin to act. Mr. Hutton to write a scur-
rilous letter for the said Slave, to John Foster.

N.B. — The meeting on the 14th like the old
5i

A LESS MILD CONSPIRATOR [1792

German meetings in the woods. All the people
sitting, and the armed warriors in a ring standing
round. Fine effect of the unanimous aye of the
Assembly when passing the address. Mr. Hutton
affected so that the tears stood in his eyes ; senti-
mental and pretty.

Dublin y July 21st. Rode out with Gog to Grattan.
Talk of next winter. He apprehends Government
will make a blow at the Catholics by committing
their chairman. Mr. Hutton of opinion that the
whole body should rise and go with him in the
event. Grattan advises to let him go, and immedi-
ately elect another. If he be committed, elect
another, and so on, but never to recede. Say O to
him and depart, having first promised to dine with
him at Tinnehinch on Saturday next.

28th, 29th, $oth. Sub-committee. Writing
letters. Hear that Neilson is come to town.
Dine with him at Braughall's. Nothing new.
Introduced in form to the General Committee.

August 1st. Merry be the first of August ! Busy
all day folding papers, etc., for the Munster bishops.
Damn all bishops ! Gog not quite well on that
point. Thinks them a good thing. Nonsense.

August 2nd. More papers.

August yd. Sub-committee. Folding circular
letters, etc. Wexford returns at last. Rent-roll of
their delegates, £15,000 per annum. Bravo !
This makes eight counties.

52

1792]

BIGOTRY

Journal of the proceedings of John Hutton, Esq., on
his third journey to the North of Ireland, includ-
ing his artful negotiations with the Peep-of-day-
hoys, and sundry Peers of the realm ; also, his
valorous entry into, and famous retreat out of
the city of Rathfriland ; interspersed with sundry
delectable adventures and entertaining anecdotes.
— Vive le Roi.

August 7, 1792. Set out posting on my expedition
among the Peep-of-day-boys, with Gog and
Neilson. Pleasant journey. Arrive in Drogheda,
and dine. Settle with Neilson to meet us at
Rathfriland.

11th. Breakfast at O'Hanlon's. Hear that Mr.
Barber is of opinion that we ought not to go to
Rathfriland, and has desired some one to write us
word so to Dublin. It is surmised that his reason
is, lest we might be insulted by some of the bigots
in that town. Cannot help it : what must be,
must be, and we must go to Rathfriland. Buy
powder and ball, and load our pistols, for fear of
accidents. My balls too little ; damn it ! Afraid
of Capt. Swan, who is a bloody Peep-of-day-boy :
endeavour to make a pun on his name : something
about goose, but it won't do. Set off for Mr.
O'Neil, of Bannvale, on our way for Rathfriland.
Arrive at length at that flourishing seat of liberality
and public virtue. " I fear thee, O Rathfriland,
lest that thy girls with spits, and boys with stones, in
53

A LESS MILD CONSPIRATOR [1792

puny battle slay me" Stop at Murphy's Inn, six
in number, all valiant. Get paper, and begin to
write to Dr. Tighe, Mr. Barber, and Mr. A. Lowry.
Stop short by the intelligence that the Landlord
will give us no accommodations ! Hey ! hey !
The fellow absolutely refuses. He has cold beef
and lamb chops, and will give us neither, but turns
off on his heel. Damned fine. Well, Mr. Murphy !
The dog is a Quaker. A striking proof of the state
of politics in this country, when a Landlord will
not give accommodation for money to Catholics.
Mr. Linsey has got a sore leg and cannot come.
Get a Mr. Murphy at last, brother to our hospitable
Landlord, and a decent man : explain the motives
of our coming to him, and remind him of the con-
versation of 1 8 th July last. He seems very much
ashamed of the behaviour of his brother, and, in
some degree, apprehensive of our meeting some
insult ; which, however, he hopes may not happen.
Arrive at Mr. O'NeiTs and dine. Old gentry, and
very hospitable and kind. Mr. O'Neil exceedingly
hurt at being refused a dinner in Rathfriland, within
sight of which he and his ancestors have lived for
a century. Horrible thing, these religious dis-
cords, which are certainly fomented by the aristo-
crats of this country.

14th. Walk out and see McCracken's new ship,
the Hibernia. Hibernia has an English crown on
her shield. We all roar at him.

i$th. Waken drunk. Breakfast with Neilson,
54

179*]

PROPAGANDIZING

the Jacobin, etc. Write a letter on the Grand Jury
of Derry, signed A Derry Farmer : also a paragraph
to the same purpose ; also another on the report
of the submission of the Poles (very bad news if it
be true). Also another on the Derry Grand Jury.

16th. Set off, and arrive at Ballinahinch late.
Introduced to M'Clokey, a proper man. That
neighbourhood almost totally converted, though
very bad some little time back. A new corps
raised there on Peep-of-day-boy * principles, con-
verted by M'Clokey, who, in return, is chosen
their lieutenant. All well. The Catholics and
they are now on such good terms that the Catholics
lend them their arms to learn their exercise, and
walk to see them parade, and both parties now in
high affection with each other, who were before
ready to cut each other's throats. All this done in
about two months, or less, and by the exertions of
one obscure man. What might not be done by
the aristocrats of the county Down if they were
actuated by the same spirit ? Damn them ! Mug
a quantity of mulled wine. Generally drunk.
Union of Irishmen with three times three, etc.
Bed late.

19th, Sunday. Go to Mass ; foolish enough ;

* The Peep-O'-Day Boys got their name some seven years
before from the plan adopted by northern Protestants of raiding
Catholic homes at dawn in search of arms. They gave rise to a
Catholic group called Defenders. In 1795 the former became
Orangemen ; by then the latter had been either dissipated or
organized as United Irishmen.

55

A LESS MILD CONSPIRATOR [1792

too much trumpery. The King of France dethroned ! !
Very glad of it, for now the people have fair play.
What will the army do ? God send they may
stand by the nation. Everything depends upon
the line they take. Our success depends on things
which some of us are such fools as not to see.

2$th. Drive down to find Grattan ; Devereux,
of county Wexford, accompanying me, Gog being
hipped. Grattan not at home ; find him at last
at Broome's, of Killmacud, and settle to call on
him next day.

27*/*, Sunday. Tinnehinch. Read the manifesto to
Grattan and Hardy ; Grattan thinks it too contro-
versial and recommends moderation in language,
and firmness in action. All very reasonable.
Grattan takes Mr. Hutton aside, and tells him that,
as the season for action is now approaching, it is the
wish of himself and his friends that all communica-
tion between them and the Catholics should be
through him, Mr. Hutton ; as, if they were to hold
personal communication, Government would say
they were agitators, inflaming the public mind, and
that, instead of their being the organ of the Catholic
sentiments, the Catholics were only instruments in
their hands ; that the grievances of the Catholics
would thereby be said not to be felt, but suggested
by Grattan and his friends, to answer the purposes of
a faction ; all which would entail a kind of responsi-
bility on them, and embarrass and weaken them
much in the operations of next winter. Mr. Hutton

56

1792]

GOG IS JEALOUS

very much pleased with this ; and the more, as the
party had absolutely refused to communicate with
his great predecessor, Burke, and now refuse to
communicate with the Catholics through any other
medium than himself. Bravo ! break the matter
gently to Gog. Gog struck all of a heap— jealous
as the devil ; says he sees the cause is desperate, and
that Grattan is going to give them up ; no such
thing. Argue with him, and satisfy him tolerably,
but his vanity, of which he has plenty, has got a
mortal blow — poor Gog !

2%th August. Grattan again. Repeats his desire
of communicating with the Catholics through Mr.
Hutton only. He sails for England to-night.

$th. Edmund Burke has Gog's boys now on a
visit at Bcaconsfield, and writes him a letter in
their praise. The scheme of this obvious enough.
He wants to enlist Gog, on behalf of his son,* but
it won't do. Gog sees the thing clear enough.
Sad ! sad ! Edmund wants to get another 2,000
guineas for his son, if he can ; dirty work ! Ed-
mund no fool in money matters. Flattering Gog
to carry his point. Is that sublime or beautiful ?

9th, Sunday. Drive in Browne's carriage to Cel-

* In 1 79 1 the Catholic Committee had brought over Richard
Burke, Edmund's son, to act as their agent in their effort to
get the ear of Parliament. He did not act with sufficient tact
or prudence, and finally broke with the General Committee,
which, however, treated him with respect to the last, and
presented him, on his departure, with the sum of two thousand
guineas.

57

A LESS MILD CONSPIRATOR [1792

bridge, and meet the Catholic Commissioners to the
South ; agree to call first on the Duke of Leinster ;
set off to Carton, and find Conolly there ; much
conversation ; Gog very bad and diffuse. Conolly
a strange rambling fool ; talked for near an hour,
without the least connection, about a Union, the
Regency, Mr. Fox, the Whig Club, the Catholics,
a pension bill, a place bill, a Union, Da capo, etc.,
etc., etc. The Duke took much pains to set and
keep him right ; has ten times the understanding
of Conolly ; the result was that we convinced
him that we intended nothing violent or hostile,
and then he declared himself satisfied.

58

IV

THE CONSPIRATOR BECOMES
IMPATIENT

VISIT TO CONNAUGHT

Journal of the proceedings of Mr. John Hutton, in his
peregrination to convert the natives of Connaught,
and more especially of Galway and Mayo, to the true
political faith.

October 5, Friday, 1792. Left Dublin at eight in
the evening in a post-chaise, with Mr. Braughall,
commonly called in this journal T. B. Loaded
with good advice by Gog in the morning, who has
given me a broad hint to puff him in Connaught.
An adventure ! Stopped by three foot-pads near
the park gate, who threaten to exterminate the
post-boy if he attempts to move ; T. B. valiant,
also Mr. Hutton. Mr. Hutton uses menacing
language to the said foot-pads, and orders the post-
boy, in an imperious tone of voice, to drive on.
The Voleurs, after about three minutes' considera-
tion, give up the point, and the carriage proceeds.
If they had persisted, we should have shot some of
them, being well armed. Mr. Hutton in a fuss ; his
first emotion was to jump out and combat on foot ;
59

THE CONSPIRATOR IMPATIENT [1792

very odd ! but his fear always comes on after the
danger ; much more embarrassed in a quarter of
an hour after than during the dialogue ; generally
stout, and would have fought, but had rather let it
alone ; glad we did not kill any of the villains, who
seemed to be soldiers. Drive on to Kinnegad —
another adventure ! The chaise breaks down at
three in the morning ; obliged to get out in the
mud, and hold up the chaise with my body, whilst
the boy puts on the wheel ; all grease and puddle ;
melancholy ! Arrive at Kinnegad at past four ;
bad hours !

6th. Arrive late at Ballinasloe, and get beds with
great difficulty. Meet Mr. Larking, the parish
priest, a sad, vulgar booby, but very civil to the
best of his knowledge. Mr. Hutton falls asleep in
company. Victuals bad ; wine poisonous ; bed
execrable ; generally badly off; fall asleep in spite
often thousand noises ; wish the gentleman over my
head would leave off the bagpipes, and the gentle-
men who are drinking in the next room would
leave off singing, and the two gentlemen who are in
bed together in the closet would leave off snoring ;
sad, sad. All quiet at last, and be hanged !

8th. Breakfast, more beafsteak and onions. Go
gentle gales. Fragrant and pretty. Go and see the
fair ; great show of bullocks. The greatest cattle
fair in Europe, except one in Hungary, as T. B.
tells me. Glad that I have seen it as matter of
curiosity, but, on the whole, disappointed, as every
Co

1792] WHEEDLING THE GENTLEMEN

man will be who expects extravagantly. About
70,000 sheep sold. Go at three to meet the gentle-
men of Galway and Mayo ; find a very respectable
number assembled. Sir Thomas French takes the
chair ; a fine young fellow, and of consequence
among the Catholics de son pays. Bon ! Braughall
makes a very long, rambling, diffuse, bad statement
of the proceedings of the General Committee, and
of the objects of our mission. Followed by Mr.
Hutton ; not much better. That gentleman no
great orator at a set speech, though he converses well
enough. What is the reason ? Because he is, in
fact, not only modest, but sheepish, which is a
shame. Mr. Hutton had probably better talents,
and, to a moral certainty, better education, and,
beyond all question, more knowledge of the subject
than any of his hearers, yet, after all, he made but a
poor exhibition. However, it passed, but by no
means satisfied that truly able gentleman. No
speaking without much study and continual
practice ; must try and mend, and get rid of that
vicious modesty, which obscures the great splendour
and brilliancy of his natural talents. Gog, in his
digressive, rambling style, would have beaten Mr.
Hutton all to nothing, which is a great shame to the
latter gentleman.

Retire early to my crib, and read Chesterfield's

Letters, which has been my great resource against

ennui. His lordship a damned scoundrel ; he

advises his son to attack Madame De Blot, because

61

THE CONSPIRATOR IMPATIENT [1792

she has been married a year and loves her husband.
Damn his blood, the rascal ! I wish I was kicking
him ! I do not pretend to more virtue than other
people, but I have no notion of such cold-blooded
villainy on deliberation. Till I read this infamous
letter I thought the character of Valmont, in Les
liaisons dangereuses, was a monstrous fiction, but I
see now that Lord Chesterfield had the inclination,
though perhaps not the talent, to be as great a
scoundrel. All this is for the edification of P. P.,
and perhaps of my son, if he ever lives to be old
enough to read these memorandums. He is now
about a twelvemonth old, and it is time for me to
begin to think of forming his mind and his principles.
I will never advise him to debauch his friend's wife,
only because she is such a fool as to love her husband.
Base ! base ! I lose my temper at it.

10th. No chaise yet. Our conscientious land-
lady, Miss Culahaun, asks twelve shillings for a
buggy to Athlone. Jew ! skinflint ! Fear we must
take it after all, but determine to wait till twelve
o'clock, and try for a place in the mail. Walk about
the town as a crutch to poor T. B., who is lame.
Strange curiosity of T. B. to read all manner of
handbills. Mr. Hutton something in the same way.
The mail arrives empty. Take our places and set
off. No adventures. Arrive in Dublin at nine in
the morning.

14th. Dine with Magog : a good fellow ;
much better than Gog. Gog a Papist. " Wine
62

1792] TONE ALL FOR FORCE

does wonders." Propose to revive Volunteers in
this city. Magog thinks we may have i ,000 Catho-
lics by the 17th March next. Agreed that he shall
begin to canvass for recruits immediately, and con-
tinue through the winter. If he succeeds, he will
resign his office of Secretary to the Catholic Com-
mittee, and commence a mere Volunteer. Bravo !
All this looks well. Satisfied that volunteering will
be once more the salvation of Ireland. A good
thing to have 1,500 men in Dublin. Green uni-
forms, etc.

16th. Dr. Bellew, Catholic bishop of Killala,
wants subscriptions to found a Catholic seminary
in Connaught. Mr. Hutton suggests that it would
be advisable to extend the plan, and educate all the
Catholic clergy at home, an object which has long
been a favourite with that gentleman. No doubt
but many Protestants would subscribe for so wise
and so benevolent a purpose ; the university,
United Irishmen, etc.

24th. See the Galway resolutions. Two of them
very bad, reflecting on the French. This Lynch's
nonsense. Cannot he let the French alone, and be
damned ? Gog has been disgusted with Dr.
Bellew, Catholic bishop of Killala, on the subject
of a national college. The bishop wants to get
money from the laity to endow it, and to exclude
them from all share in the management. Damned
kind ! Gog revolts like a fury, and tells Mr.
Hutton he begins to see they (the Catholic bishops)
63

THE CONSPIRATOR IMPATIENT [179a

are all scoundrels. All fair. Two or three things
like this may cure Gog of his sneaking kindness for
bishops, priests, and deacons. Sleep at Gog's.

2$th. Mr. Hutton is decidedly of opinion that
the Government of Ireland must either alter their
whole system, or be subverted by force, of which
God knows the event. The Catholics are so totally
changed, and so thoroughly roused, etc. Knox
and he agree there is no immediate danger of vio-
lence on the part of the people, but that cbere is
forming a gradual mass of discontent, which will,
at no short day, break out, and especially if a war
should arise, and that this discontent is inflamed
and accelerated by the gross petulance and indis-
cretion of Government here. This may probably
be discussed without breaking, by such an arrange-
ment as we meditate.— Sub-committee. Emmet *
reads an address, as from the Catholics of Dublin,
in reply to that of the Corporation. Very good.
This turns the scale in favour of the meeting of the
Catholics, and Gog will now be gratified with an
opportunity of making a speech. " Hurry durry !
Nicky nacky ! " (See Venice Preserved.) Write an
opinion for the Catholics of Down, as from the
sub-committee, exhorting them to thank the people
of Belfast, etc.

26th. Denis Browne has been playing the rascal
in Mayo. Procured a meeting on the 16th, and
knocked up our plan by securing the measure of a
* Thomas Addis Emmet, of course, not Robert.

64

1792] SEDITION

separate petition from that county. Damn him !
Yet he talks of his love for the cause, #tc. The
Catholics here in a horrible rage. More and more
losing their respect for the brothers of Lords and
Members of Parliament.

27th. Meet the parochial delegates in the evening,
and settle everything for the aggregate meeting of
the Catholics of Dublin. Mr. Hutton reads the
Citizen Emmet's paper, which meets the unani-
mous approbation or the meeting. No wonder !
It is a most excellent paper, and better than Mr.
Hutton's intended reply to the grand juries. " The
dog has taken some of the very best strokes in my tragedy,
and put them into his own comedy.' 7

2%th. The town has been filled these three or
four days with reports of some seditious paper said
to be circulated among the soldiers of the garrison.
I do not believe it. One officer, Colonel of the
Royal Irish Artillery, is said to have been so wise as
to draw up the regiment on the parade, and harangue
them, exhorting them to obedience, and warning
them against " The Rights of Man," etc. Dunce !
Blockhead ! Could not take a readier way to
create the mischief against which he wished to
guard. Another report is, that the artillery and
all the cavalry are to be ordered to England and
replaced by English troops. I hope this is a He too.
These reports, however, show the agitation of the
public mind.

29$. Advertisements are this day handed about,

(4,409) £ 5 y

THE CONSPIRATOR IMPATIENT [1792

ordering a general illumination on account of the
expulsion of the German armies from France. I
don't know what to think. The illumination is
good, but it may be made a handle for rioting, and
if so, very mischievous, for Government would
rejoice at anything which would give them an ex-
cuse to let the dragoons loose on the people. The
illumination set on foot by Oliver Bond and James
Tandy. We shall know all about it to-morrow.

30th. The illumination had gone off quietly,
notwithstanding the Lord Mayor issued a pro-
clamation forbidding it, and threatening very hard,
etc. The horse and foot were out in great force.
It should seem, by their being called out so fre-
quently, that Government are determined to ac-
custom the people to see them in the streets. Emmet
and I read over the Catholic address for the last
time, and make corrections. N.B. — The said
Emmet henceforward to be called " The Pismire."
— S. Committee ; a very full meeting to settle the
plan for to-morrow. Agreed that D. T. O'Brien
shall take the chair ; said O'Brien refuses ;
cowardly ! The chair offered to J. Ball ; he
refuses also ; cowardly ! What would the Belfast
people say if they saw this ? Fixed that old Bernard
O'Neil shall be in the chair, and that Simon Maguirc
shall be secretary. Mr. Hutton reads the address.
D. T. O'Brien objects to the resolution thanking
the Volunteers of Ulster, because it may look like
cultivating the friendship of armed men. Nobody
66

1792] PROGRESS

seconds him. R. McDonnell wishes we had
100,000 of them to thank. Well done ! All
embrace and depart. Divers Protestants summoned
to the meeting to-morrow, Butler, Rowan, Tandy,
the Pismire, Mr. Hutton, etc. Gog at home all day-
rehearsing. All fair. This meeting will do good.
Mr. Hutton chooses, for reasons which he does not
wish to explain, to insert here the names of the
present sub-committee of the Catholics of Ireland.

Thomas Fitzgerald,
John Keogh,
Thomas Braughall,
Edward Byrne,
Randal McDonnell,

Martin F. Lynch,
Richard McCormick,
Hugh Hamill,
Dennis Thomas O'Brien,
Thomas Warren,

Thomas Ryan, M.D., John Sweetman, Secretary.

October 31s*. The grand day. A full and re-
spectable meeting, 640 summonses taken at the
door, besides many who came in without any.

November 1st. Dinner at Warren's. A long set
of the chief United Irishmen. All very pleasant
and good. Mr. Hutton endeavours, being entre
deux viriSy to delude the gentlemen present into
forming a volunteer company on good principles,
civil and military. A. H. Rowan rises thereat,
also Magog. Mr. Hutton a little mad on the sub-
ject of volunteering ; would be a great Martinet
" Army, damn me ! "

2nd. Sick as Demogorgon ; purpose to leave
ofFwatercresses with my bread.
67

THE CONSPIRATOR IMPATIENT [1792

$th. Gunpowder Treason !

" This is the day, I speak it with sorrow,
That we were all to've been blown up to-
morrow." Rochester.

Mr. Hutton, on his return from the post-office
this evening, where he had been to put in a letter
to P. P., is startled by a vision of Guy Vaux, which
appears to him at Alderman Hart's door. Mr.
Hutton speaks Latin to the said vision, on which it
proves to be a policeman. Mr. Hutton diligently
inspects the pantry, lest the Catholics might have
conveyed combustibles therein, and so burn him
and his innocent family in their beds. Wishes to
have a fire-engine in his bedchamber, for fear of
accidents from these bloody barbarous, and in-
human Papists.

1 of/*. Hear that Government is very much em-
barrassed to know what to do. The Chancellor,
we hear, talks big. If he attempts to use violent
measures, I believe a war will be the inevitable
consequence. My own conviction is that Govern-
ment must concede.

16th. Hear that the Castle-men say that our
address to the King, if we persist in that idea, will
embarrass his Majesty. The devil it will ! And
who doubts it, or who cares ? We will address him,
please God, and let him refuse it, if he pleases. Better
that his Sacred Majesty should be embarrassed than a
nation kept in slavery. More and more at work.
68

1792] FORCING THE GOVERNMENT

ijth. In town, at the sub-committee. Read
the intended address to the King. Very much
liked, even by some of our timid people. Attended
a meeting, for the purpose of raising a Volunteer
corps : Present, Rowan, chairman ; Tandy, James
Tandy, Dowling, Bacon, Bond, Warren, Magog,
and Mr. Hutton, Secretary. Vote 1,000 men in
ten companies ; cheap uniform, of coarse blue cloth,
ticken trousers, and felt hats. Not to meddle with
the existing corps, unless they choose to join us, in
which case they must adopt our plan, principles, and
regimentals. If this takes, it will vex the Castle,
and they may not like to come and take our drum
from us. Bond thinks the ci-devant Merchant Corps
will present us with two field pieces. Huzza !
Huzza !

20th November. O'Beirne says the common
people are up in high spirits, and anxious for the
event. Bravo ! Better have the peasantry of one
county than twenty members of Parliament. Gog
seems to-day disposed for all manner of treason
and mischief ; separation of the countries, etc. ; a
republic, etc. ; is of the opinion this will not end
without blows, and says he for one is ready. Is he ?
Mr. Hutton quite prepared, having nothing to lose.
Bravo ! Come to town to meet the committee
for framing the new corps. The whole evening
spent in settling the uniform, which is at last fixed
to be that of the — Garde Nationale. Is that quite
wise ? Who cares ?

69

THE CATHOLICS ADVANCE

In December, 1792, the Irish Catholics met in
Tailors* Hall, Back Lane, Dublin, to agitate for the
parliamentary franchise. Tone's account follows.

Account of the proceedings of the General Committee
of the Catholics of Ireland; and of the delegation
which presented their petition to the King.

The last Catholic assembly which Ireland had
seen was the Parliament summoned by James II. in
1688, a body of men whose wisdom, spirit, and
patriotism reflect no discredit on their country or
their sect. The great object of this parliament was
national supremacy. The patriots of the present
day found their best claim to public regard on
maintaining principles first advanced by an assembly
to whose merits no historian has yet ventured to
do justice, but whose memory, when passion and
prejudice are no more, will be perpetuated in the
hearts of their grateful countrymen.

The proceedings of the General Committee fully
70

1792] A PETITION TO THE KING

justified the foresight, and far surpassed the hopes,
of those who had devised the measure. They felt
and acted with the decision of men who deserved to
be free, and with the dignity becoming the repre-
sentatives of 3,000,000 of people. They therefore
resolved that the meeting, as then constituted, with
the Peers and Prelates, were the only organ com-
petent to speak the sense of the Catholic body — a
measure which wisdom and, indeed, necessity im-
pelled them to adopt.

The General Committee next resolved that a
petition be prepared to his Majesty, stating the
grievances of the Catholics of Ireland, and praying
relief, and the members of the sub-committee were
ordered to bring in the same forthwith, which,
being done, and the petition read in the usual forms,
it was again read, paragraph by paragraph, each
passing unanimously, until the last. A spirited and
intelligent member (Luke Teeling, Esq., of Lisburn,
county Antrim), who represented a great northern
county, then rose, and said, " That he must object
to this paragraph, on the ground of its being limited
in its demand." His instructions from his constitu-
ents were to require nothing short of total eman-
cipation ; and it was not consistent with the dignity
of this meeting, and much less of the great body
whom it represented, to sanction, by anything which
could be construed into acquiescence on their part,
one fragment of that unjust and abominable system,
the penal code.

71

THE CATHOLICS ADVANCE [179a

In this spirit the assembly met on the next day.
The business was opened by the same member
(L. Teeling) who had introduced the amendment.
He stated that it was the duty of the Catholics not
to wrong themselves by asking less than complete
emancipation. Such was the force of virtuous
example, so powerful the effect of public spirit in
an assembly, uncontaminated with places or pen-
sions, and freely chosen by the people, that not a
murmur of dissent was heard ; and a day which
opened with circumstances of considerable doubt
and anxiety terminated in the unanimous adoption
of the great principle which, whilst it asserted,
secured the emancipation of the Catholics.

The petition having been thus agreed upon, and
signed, the important question arose as to the mode
of presenting it to his Majesty. The usual method
had been, to deliver all former addresses to the Lord
Lieutenant, who transmitted them to the King ;
and, certainly, to break through a custom invariably
continued from the first establishment of the General
Committee, was marking, in the most decided
manner, that the Catholics had lost all confidence
in the administration of this country. But, strong
as this measure was, it was now to be tried. By
passing over the administration of their country,
in a studied and deliberate manner, and on solemn
debate, the General Committee published to all the
world that his Majesty's ministers in Ireland had so
far lost the confidence of no less than 3,000,000 of
72

1792] THE " HUMBLE " CATHOLICS

his subjects, that they were not even to be entrusted
with the delivery of their petition. A stigma more
severe it has not been the fortune of many adminis-
trations to receive.

The General Committee (Dec. 7th) proceeded
to choose, by ballot, five of their body, who should
present their petition to his Majesty in person, and
the gentlemen appointed were Edward Byrne,
John Keogh, Christopher Dillon Bellew, James
Edward Devereux, and Sir Thomas French. The
only instruction they received was to adhere strictly
to the spirit of the petition, and to admit nothing
derogatory to the union, which is the strength of
Ireland. And this instruction, for greater solem-
nity, was delivered to them, engrossed on vellum,
signed by the Chairman, and countersigned by
the Secretary of the meeting.

On the arrival of the delegates in London, their
first business was to apprise the Secretary for the
Home Department (the Hon. H. Dundas) that they
were deputed to present to the King the humble
petition of the Catholics of Ireland, and they re-
quested to know at what time they should attend
him with a copy for his Majesty's persual.

Wednesday, the 2nd of January, was fixed as the
day of their introduction. On that day the dele-
gates were introduced at St. James's in the usual
forms by Mr. Dundas, and, agreeably to their
instructions, delivered into the King's own hands
the petition of his Catholic subjects of Ireland.
73

THE CATHOLICS ADVANCE [1792

Their appearance was splendid, and they met with,
what is called in the language of courts, a most
gracious reception ; that is, his Majesty was pleased
to say a few words to each of the delegates in his
turn. In those colloquies the matter is generally
of little interest, the manner is all ; and with the
manner of the Sovereign the delegates had every
reason to be content.*

* This Convention was partly responsible for the final
Catholic Relief Bill of 1793. The following entries in the
Diary indicate the compromises inevitable in Keogh's method
of patient agitation. With this Relief Bill was passed the
notorious Convention Act which so hampered O'Connell all
through his career. It forbade meetings of delegates from
other oodies to meet in a body " under the pretence " of pre-
paring such petitions. O'Connell maintained that Emancipa-
tion might have been gained in 1793. Actually, an amendment
proposed that Catholics be allowed to sit in Parliament (as it
was, they could vote only for Protestants), but it was rejected
by an enormous majority.

74

VI

THE CATHOLICS RETREAT

January 21st. In the sub-committee, Sir T.
French, Byrne, Keogh, and McDonnell de-
spatched to Hobart to apprise him that nothing
short of unlimited emancipation will satisfy the
Catholics. They return, in about an hour,
extremely dissatisfied with each other, and, after
diverse mutual recriminations, it appears, by the
confession of all parties, that, so far from dis-
charging their commission, they had done directly
the reverse ; for the result of their conversation
with the Secretary was, that he had declared
explicidy against the whole measure, and they had
given him reason, in consequence, to think that the
Catholics would acquiesce contentedly in a half one.
Sad, sad ! And so Gog's puffing is come to this :
I always thought, when the crisis arrived, that he
would be shy, and I am more and more confirmed
in that idea by every new incident. Magog, the
single man who was up to the business properly :
H. Hamill next best. Gog damped them by puff-
ing his readiness for one to face any danger which
75

THE CATHOLICS RETREAT [1793

might ensue from a strong representation. Owen
O'Connor asserted that he was ready too, upon
which Gog asked him, Was he prepared to enter
the tented field ? He answered " He was." Now
the fact is, the question was put to frighten Ned
Byrne ; and another fact is, that O'Connor was
ready, and Gog was not. He is a sad fellow after
all. I see, if ever the business is done, it will be by
the country gendemen.

January 24th. What does Gog want them to do
this morning ? Only to alter the prayer of the
petition to Parliament, by striking out the part
which mentions, in terms, a repeal of the penal laws,
and to leave it general, according to the form of
that presented to the King ; and this wise and
valiant proposal comes after we have put Hobart
in possession of a copy of our intended petition.
The Sub-committee unanimously reject the pro-
position.

January 26th to 31st. A deputation has been with
Hobart again, as to the presenting the petition. He
objects to the prayer as being too specific. He is
asked if it be altered to the very words of that
presented to the King, will he then present and
support it.

Sub-committee. After sundry debates for two
or three days, the prayer of the petition is altered to
Gog's mind. I am clear he is wrong.

February 4th. Hobart presented the petition, and
moved for leave to bring in a bill, which is granted.
76

1793] THE CATHOLICS RETREAT

The measure of relief intended, as chalked out by
him, is as follows : The elective franchise. Magis-
tracies. Right of endowing schools. Admissibility
to corporations. Right of carrying arms, subject
to modification. Civil offices, subject also to modi-
fication ; but we shall see more when the bill is
introduced, and still more when it is carried. The
points withheld are : The Two Houses of Parlia-
ment. The Bench, and the Board of Commis-
sioners of the Revenue. The last two are nonsense.
There is no need for an Act of Parliament to do
what the King can do of himself, and it establishes a
principle of exclusion, which ought to be kept out
of sight as much as possible. Will the Catholics
be satisfied with this bill ? I believe they will, and
be damned !

February 8th. It is observable that last night
20,000 army and 16,000 militia were voted by the
House of Commons, and that Opposition, and
particularly Grattan, were as earnest in the measure
as the Treasury Bench. They are a fine set, to be
sure, altogether. Grattan dreads the people as much
as Monck Mason. A long conversation amongst
the Catholics on the point of declaring themselves
satisfied, or not, with Hobart's bill. For satisfaction,
Sir Thomas French, Bellew, Byrne, O'Connor,
and Keogh : against it, O'Gorman, Sweetman,
McCormick, and James Plunket. This is as im-
portant a crisis as any which has occurred in
Catholic affairs.

77

VII

TO AMERICA AND FRANCE

I hasten to the period * when, in consequence of
the conviction of WilHam Jackson, for high treason,
I was obliged to quit my country, and go into
exile in America. A short time before my de-
parture, my friend Russell being in town, he and
I walked out together, to Rathfarnham, to see
Emmet, who has a charming villa there. He
showed us a little study, of an elliptical form,
which he was building at the bottom of the lawn, and
which he said he would consecrate to our meetings,

*The Diary, it will be seen, has halted in February 1793
(see the Introduction for reference to the intervening event),
just as Tone's opinions are developing along the lines of a
physical force resistance to English power. Writing this portion
of the Autobiography in France, he links up the narrative to
the point where he arrives at Havre, a fully-fledged revolu-
tionary, the accredited representative of the now thoroughly
illegal and rebellious United Irishmen. They had been raided
by the police in May '94, after Jackson's arrest ; dispersed, they
reorganized as underground Republicans, changing their
avowed aims from the ■ equal representation of the people in
Parliament " to "a full representation of all the people of
Ireland," which their leaders interpreted in the separatist sense,
and the members were encouraged to interpret in the same
way.

78

1795] FAREWELLS

if ever we lived to see our country emancipated.
I begged of him, if he intended Russell should be
of the party, in addition to the books and maps it
would naturally contain, to fit up a small cellaret,
which should contain a few dozens of his best old
claret. He showed me that he had not omitted
that circumstance, which he acknowledged to be
essential, and we both rallied Russell with consider-
able success. I mention this trifling anecdote be-
cause I love the men, and because it seems now at
least possible that we may yet meet again in Emmet's
study. As we walked together into town I opened
my plan to them both. I told them that I consid-
ered my compromise with Government* to extend
no further than the banks of the Delaware, and that
the moment I landed I was free to follow any plan
which might suggest itself to me, for the emancipa-
tion of my country ; that, undoubtedly, I was guilty
of a great offence against the existing Government ;
that, in consequence, I was going into exile ; and
that I considered that exile as a full expiation for the
offence, and consequently felt myself at liberty,

* From April 1794, when Jackson was taken, to April 1795,
when he was brought up for sentence, Tone was in a parlous
position. Several United Irishmen had been arrested, including
Hamilton Rowan, who escaped and fled to France, thence to
America (where, as Tone records, the two met), and Tone
might well have been charged also. He let it be known that
he would neither fly nor give evidence against his friends, but
would, in his own time, retire to America. He was not
molested, and he did retire. There was no bond ; but there
was, as he saw it, a promise in the nature of a " compromise."

79

TO AMERICA AND FRANCE [1795

having made that sacrifice, to begin again on a
fresh score. They both agreed with me in those
principles, and I then proceeded to tell them that
my intention was, immediately on my arrival in
Philadelphia, to wait on the French Minister, to
detail to him, fully, the situation of affairs in Ire-
land, to endeavour to obtain a recommendation to
the French Government, and, if I succeeded so far,
to leave my family in America, and to set off in-
stantly for Paris, and apply, in the name of my
country, for the assistance of France, to enable us
to assert our independence. It is unnecessary, I
believe, to say that this plan met with the warmest
approbation and support from both Russell and
Emmet ; we shook hands, and, having repeated
our professions and unalterable regard and esteem
for each other, we parted ; and this was the last
interview which I was so happy as to have with
those two invaluable friends together. I re-
member it was in a little triangular field that
this conversation took place ; and Emmet re-
marked to us that it was in one exactly like it
in Switzerland, where William Tell and his
associates planned the downfall of the tyranny of
Austria. The next day Russell returned to Belfast.
Having paid all my debts, and settled with every-
body, I set off from Dublin for Belfast on the 20th
May, 1795, with my wife, sister, and three children,
leaving, as may well be supposed, my father and
mother in a very sincere affliction. My whole
80

1795] ON CAVE HILL

property consisted in our clothes, my books, and
about ^700 in money and bills on Philadelphia.
During near a month that we remained there, we
were every day engaged by one or other ; even
those who scarcely knew me were eager to enter-
tain us ; parties and excursions were planned for
our amusements ; and certainly the whole of our
deportment and reception at Belfast very little
resembled those of a man who escaped with his
life only by miracle, and who was driven into
exile to avoid a more disgraceful fate. I remember,
particularly, two days that we passed on the Cave
hill. On the first, Russell, Neilson, Simms,
McCracken, and one or two more of us, on the
summit of M'Art's fort, took a solemn obligation
— which, I think I may say I have, on my part,
endeavoured to fulfill — never to desist in our efforts
until we had subverted the authority of England
over our country, and asserted our independence.
Another day we had the tent of the first regiment
pitched in the Deer Park, and a company of thirty
of us, including the family of the Simms, Neilsons,
McCrackens, and my own, dined and spent the
day together deliciously. At length the hour of
our departure arrived. On the 13 th of June we
embarked on board the Cincinnatus of Wil-
mington, Capt. James Robinson, and I flatter
myself we carried with us the regret of all who
knew us. Before my departure I explained to
Simms, Neilson, and C. G. Teeling my intentions

(4,409) g j g

TO AMERICA AND FRANCE [1795

with regard to my conduct in America, and I had
the satisfaction to find it met, in all respects,
with their perfect approbation ; and I now
looked upon myself as competent to speak fully
and with confidence for the Catholics, for the
Dissenters, and for the Defenders of Ireland.

We were now at sea, and at leisure to examine
our situation. The captain was tolerably civil, the
vessel was stout, and we had good weather almost
the whole of our voyage. But we were 300
passengers on board of a ship of 230 tons, and of
course crowded to a degree not to be conceived
by those who have not been on board a passenger
ship. The slaves who are carried from the coast
of Africa have much more room allowed them
than the miserable emigrants who pass from Ireland
to America ; for the avarice of the captains in that
trade is such, that they think they never can load
their vessels sufficiently, and they tr< »uble their heads
in general no more about the accommodation and
stowage of their passengers than of any other lumber
aboard. Thirty days of our voyage passed over
without any event, save the ordinary ones of seeing
now a shoal of porpoises, now a shark, now a set
of dolphins, the peacocks of the sea, playing about,
and once or twice a whale. We had, indeed, been
brought to, when about a week at sea, by the
William Pitt, Indiaman, which was returning to
Europe with about twenty other ships, under con-
voy of four or five men-of-war ; but on examining

82

1795] LANDS IN AMERICA

our papers they suffered us to proceed. At length,
about the 20th of July, some time after we had
cleared the banks of Newfoundland, we were
stopped by three British frigates, the Thetis, Cap-
tain Lord Cochrane, the Hussar, Captain Rose, and
the Esperance, Captain Wood, who boarded us, and
after treating us with the greatest insolence, both
officers and sailors, they pressed every one of our
hands, save one, and near fifty of my unfortunate
fellow-passengers, who were most of them flying
to America to avoid the tyranny of a bad govern-
ment at home, and who thus most unexpectedly
fell under the severest tyranny, one of them at
least, which exists. As I was in a jacket and trousers,
one of the lieutenants ordered me into the boat, as
a fit man to serve the king, and it was only the
screams of my wife and sister which induced him
to desist. It would have been a pretty termination
to my adventures if I had been pressed and sent on
board a man-of-war.

On the 30th of July we made Cape Henlopen; the
31st we ran up the Delaware, and the 1st of August
we landed safe at Wilmington, not one of us pro-
videntially having been for an hour indisposed on
the passage, nor even sea-sick. Those only who have
had their wives, their children, and all, in short, that
is dear to them, floating for seven or eight weeks at
the mercy of the winds and waves, can conceive
the transport I felt at seeing my wife and our dar-
ling babies ashore once again in health and in safety.

83

TO AMERICA AND FRANCE [1795

We set up at the principal tavern, kept by an Irish-
man, one Captain O'Byrne O'Flynn (I think), for
all the taverns in America are kept by majors and
captains, either of militia or continentals, and in a
few days we had entirely recruited our strength and
spirits, and totally forgotten the fatigues of the
voyage.

Immediately on my arrival in Philadelphia, which
was about the 7th or 8th of August, I found out my
old friend and brother exile, Dr. Reynolds, who
seemed, to my very great satisfaction, very com-
fortably settled. From him I learned that Hamilton
Rowan had arrived about six weeks before me from
France, and that same evening we all three met. It
was a singular rencontre, and our several escapes from
an ignominious death seemed little short of a
miracle.

Rowan offered to come with me and introduce
me to the Minister, Citizen Adet, whom he had
known in Paris ; but I observed to him that as there
were English agents without number in Philadelphia
he was most probably watched, and consequently
his being seen to go with me to Adet might materi-
ally prejudice his interests in Ireland. I therefore
declined his offer, but I requested of him a letter of
introduction, which he gave me accordingly, and
the next day I waited on the Minister, who received
me very politely. He spoke English very imper-
fectly, and I French a great deal worse ; however,
we made a shift to understand one another ; he

84

1795] ALMOST BECOMES A FARMER

read my certificates and Rowan's letter, and he
begged me to throw on paper, in the form of a
memorial, all I had to communicate on the subject
of Ireland. This I accordingly did in the course of
two or three days, though with great difficulty, on
account of the burning heat of the climate, so differ-
ent from what I had been used to, the thermometer
varying between ninety and ninety-seven. At
length, however, I finished my memorial, such
as it was, and brought it to Adet, and I offered him,
at the same time, if he thought it would forward
the business, to embark in the first vessel which
sailed for France ; but the Minister, for some reason,
seemed not much to desire this, and he eluded my
offer by reminding me of the great risk I ran, as the
British stopped and carried into their ports indis-
criminately all American vessels bound for France ;
he assured me, however, I might rely on my
memorial being transmitted to the French Govern-
ment, and backed with his strongest recommenda-
tions ; and he also promised to write particularly to
procure the enlargement of my brother Matthew,
who was then in prison at Guise : all which I have
since found he faithfully performed.

I had now discharged my conscience as to my
duty to my country ; and it was with the sincerest
and deepest contristation of mind that I saw this,
my last effort, likely to be of so little effect. It was
barely possible, but I did not much expect that the
French Government might take notice of my
85

TO AMERICA AND FRANCE [1795

memorial, and if they did not there was an end of
all my hopes. I now began to endeavour to bend
my mind to my situation, and made divers excur-
sions on foot and in the stage-waggons in quest of
a farm. At length I agreed with a Captain Leonard
for a plantation of 180 acres, beautifully situated
within two miles of Princeton, and half of it under
timber. I was to pay .£1,180 currency, and I be-
lieve it was worth the money. I moved, in con-
sequence, my family to Princeton, where I hired a
small house for the winter, which I furnished frugally
and decently. I fitted up my study, and began to
think my lot was cast to be an American farmer.

For myself I believe I could have borne it, and
for my wife it was sufficient to her that I was
with her, her incomparable firmness of mind and
never-failing equanimity of temper sustaining her
and me also, whose happiness depended solely on
hers under every difficulty. But when we looked
on our little children, we felt both of us our courage
fail. Our little boys we could hardly bear to think
of rearing in the Boorish ignorance of the peasants
about us, and to what purpose give them an educa-
tion that could only tend to discontent them with
the state wherein they were thrown, and wherein
learning and talents were useless ? But especially
our little girl, now eight or nine years old,
was our principal uneasiness. How could we
bear to see her the wife of a clown without
delicacy or refinement, incapable to feel or esti-

86

1795] ALMOST BECOMES A FARMER

mate the value of a mind which had already
developed the strongest marks of sensibility and
tenderness. For my part the idea tormented me
beyond enduring, and I am sure no unfortunate
lover, in the paroxysms of jealousy, ever looked
forward with horror to the union of his mistress
with a rival than I did to the probability of seeing
my darling child sacrificed to one of the Boors
by whom we were surrounded. I could better
bear to see her dead, for with regard to the delicacy
and purity of woman I entertain notions perhaps
extravagant in their refinement.*

But to return. In this gloomy frame of mind
I continued for some time, waiting for the lawyer
who was employed to draw the deeds, and ex-
pecting next spring to remove to my purchase
and to begin farming at last, when one day I
was roused from my lethargy by the receipt of
letters from Keogh, Russell, and the two Simmses,
wherein, after professions of the warmest and sin-
cerest regard, they proceeded to acquaint me that
the state of the public mind in Ireland was advanc-
ing to republicanism faster than even I could believe;
and they pressed me, in the strongest manner, to
fulfil the engagement I had made with them at my
departure, and to move heaven and earth to force
my way to the French Government in order to
supplicate their assistance. I set off, accordingly,
the next morning (it being this time about the end

* This paragraph was suppressed by Tone's son.

87

TO AMERICA AND FRANCE [1795

of November) for Philadelphia, and went, immedi-
ately on my arrival, to Adet, to whom I showed the
letters I had just received, and I referred him to
Rowan, who was then in town, for the character
of the writers. I had the satisfaction, contrary to
my expectations, to find Adet as willing to forward
and assist my design now, as he seemed, to me at
least, lukewarm when I saw him before, in August.
He told me immediately that he would give me
letters to the French Government, recommending
me in the strongest manner, and also money to bear
my expenses, if necessary. I thanked him most
sincerely for the letters, but I declined accepting any
pecuniary assistance. I drew on Simms for ^200,
agreeable to his letter, ^150 sterling of which I
devoted to my voyage ; my friend Reynolds pro-
cured me Louis d'ors at the bank for £100 sterling
worth of silver. I converted the remainder of my
little property into bank stock, and having signed a
general power of attorney to my wife, I waited
finally on Adet, who gave me a letter in cypher
directed to the Cotnite de Salut public, the only cre-
dential which I intended to bring with me to France.
I spent one day in Philadelphia with Reynolds,
Rowan, and my old friend and fellow-sufferer,
James Napper Tandy, who, after a long conceal-
ment and many adventures, was recently arrived
from Hamburgh, and, at length, on the 13 th Decem-
ber, at night, I arrived at Princeton, whither Rowan
accompanied me, bringing with me a few presents

88

1795-96] SAILS FOR FRANCE

for my wife, sister, and our dear little babies.
That night we supped together in high spirits, and
Rowan retiring immediately after, my wife, sister,
and I sat together till very late, engaged in that kind
of animated and enthusiastic conversation which
our characters and the nature of the enterprise I was
embarked in may be supposed to give rise to. The
courage and firmness of the women supported me,
and them too, beyond my expectations ; we had
neither tears nor lamentations, but, on the contrary,
the most ardent hope and the most steady resolution.
At length, at four the next morning, I embraced
them both for the last time, and we parted with a
steadiness which astonished me. On the ist Janu-
ary, 1796, I sailed from Sandy Hook with nine
fellow-passengers, all French, bound for Havre de
Grace. We did not meet a single vessel of force,
either French or English ; we passed three or four
Americans bound mostly, like ourselves, to France.
On the 27th we were in soundings at 85 fathoms ;
on the 28th we made the Lizard, and, at length, on
the ist of February, we landed in safety at Havre
de Grace, having met with not the smallest accident
during our voyage. My adventures, from this
date, are fully detailed in the Diary which I have
kept regularly since my arrival in France.

89

vin

AMBASSADOR OF REPUBLICAN
IRELAND

February 2, 1796. I landed at Havre de Grace
yesterday, after a rough winter passage from New
York of thirty-one days. The town ugly and
dirty, with several good houses in alleys, where it
is impossible to see them. Lodged at the Hotel de
Paix, formerly the Hotel of the Intendant, but
reduced to its present state by the Revolution.
" My landlord is civil, but dear as the devil. ,, Slept
in a superb crimson damask bed ; great luxury,
after being a month without having my clothes off.

February yd. Rose early ; difficult to get break-
fast ; get it at last ; excellent coffee, and very coarse
brown bread, but, as it happens, I like brown bread.
Walked out to see the lions ; none to see. Mass
celebrating in the church ; many people present,
especially women ; went into divers coffee-houses ;
plenty of coffee, but no papers. No bread in two of
the coffee-houses ; but pastry ; singular enough !
Dinner ; and here, as matter of curiosity, follows
our bill of fare, which proves clearly that France is
90

1796] FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF FRANCE

in a starving situation. An excellent soup ; a
dish offish, fresh from the harbour ; a fore-quarter
of delicate small mutton, like the Welsh ; a superb
turkey, and a pair of ducks roasted ; pastry, cheese,
and fruit after dinner, with wine ad libitum, but still
the pain his ; provoked with the Frenchmen grumb-
ling at the bread ; made a saying : Vive le pain
bis et la liberie ! I forgot the vegetables, which were
excellent ; very glad to see such unequivocal proofs
of famine. Went to the Comedie in the evening ;
a neat theatre, and a very tolerable company ;
twenty performers in the orchestra ; house full ;
several officers, very fine-looking fellows ; the
audience just as gay as if there was no such thing as
war and brown bread in the world. Supper just like
our dinner, with wine, etc. N.B. — Finances. The
louis worth 5,000 livres, or about two hundred
times its value in assignats ; the six-franc-piece in
proportion. My bill per diem, for such entertainment
as above mentioned, is six francs (five shillings),
and my crimson damask bed, 20 sols or tenpence ;
coffee in the morning, 12 sols, or sixpence ; so that
I am starving in the manner I have described for
the enormous sum of 6s. 4d. a day ; sad ! sad !
Paid for my seat at the theatre, in the box next to
that of the Municipality, 80 livres in assignats, or
about fourpence sterling. Be it remembered, I
lodge at the principal hotel in Havre, and I doubt
not but I might retrench, perhaps one-half, by
changing my situation ; but hang saving.
9i

AMBASSADOR OF REPUBLICAN IRELAND [1796

February $th. A new arrangement with my land-
lord ; I now pay 5s. a day for everything, including
my crimson damask bed ; walk out ; every third
man a soldier, or with something of the military
costume about him. In the evening the Com6die ;
Blaise and Babet, and the Rigueurs du Cloitre, a
revolutionary piece ; applauses and honourable
mention. I can account for the favourable re-
ception of the latter piece, but the former is as great
a favourite, though the fable is as simple as possible.
Two lovers fall out about a nosegay and a ribbon,
and, after squabbling through two acts, are recon-
ciled at last, and marry. The sentiments and the
music are pretty and pastoral, but what puzzles me
is to reconcile the impression which the piece, such
as I have described it, seemed to make on the audi-
ence with the sanguinary and ferocious character
attributed to the French.

February 6th. It is very singular, but I have
had several occasions already to observe that there
is more difficulty in passing silver than paper. I
have seen money refused where assignats have been
taken currently. This is a phenomenon I cannot
understand, especially when the depreciation is con-
sidered. The republican silver is received with
great suspicion. People have got it into their heads
that it is adulterated, but, even so, surely it is worth,
intrinsically, more than a bit of paper. So it is,
however, that assignats are more current.

February jth, Sunday. I was curious to observe
92

I79<5] SERIOUS AND OTHERWISE

how this day would be kept in France. I believe
nobody worked ; the shops were half open, half
shut, as I have seen them on holidays in other
countries ; everybody walking the streets. A
vessel from Boston was wrecked last night within
twenty yards of the Basin, and an unfortunate
French woman lost, with two little children. She
had fled to America early in the Revolution, and
was now returning to her husband on the restora-
tion of tranquillity. God Almighty help him !
She might have been saved alone, but preferred
to perish with her infants : it is too horrible to
think of. Oh, my babies, my babies, if your
little bodies were sunk in the ocean, what should I
do ? But you are safe, thank God ! Well, no
more of that. Comedie again ; house quite full,
being Sunday ; Mad. Rousselois principal singer ;
just such another in person, age, manner, and voice,
as the late Mrs. Kennedy, but a much better actress.

February %th. An arrangement for Paris at last.
An American has a hired coach, a very good one,
and we, viz., D'Aucourt, my fellow-traveller, and
I, are to pay one louis apiece for our seats, and bear
two-thirds of the travelling expenses, post-horses,
etc.

February $th. Comedie as usual ; sad trash
this evening ; a boy of fifteen in love and married ;
introduced to his spouse by his nurse ; confined to
his room by his papa, and let out in order to be
married ; much fitter to peg a top or play marbles ;
93

AMBASSADOR OF REPUBLICAN IRELAND [1796

yet the audience did not seem to feel any incon-
gruity, though, to heighten the absurdity, his lover
was Madame Rousselois, a fat woman of forty.
It was excessively ridiculous to see her and the
" Amoureux de quinze aus " together, and to hear
her singing " Lindor a su me plaire." She was
easily pleased. The dresses at the theatre of Havre
are handsomer and better appointed than I have
seen anywhere, except at London, which is wonder-
ful, considering it is but a small seaport town, and
more so when one reflects on the price of admis-
sion. I suspect the Government must assist them,
or I am sure they could not live on the receipts ; if
so, it is an additional trait in the resemblance of
character between the French and Athenians, which
is most striking.

February 10th. Up at five o'clock ; a choice
carriage lined with blue velvet ; five horses ; a
French postillion, a most grotesque figure — cocked
hat and jacket, two great wisps of straw tied on his
thighs, and a pair of jack-boots, as big as two Ameri-
can churns. " Their horses (chevauxes they call them)
bent quite so nimble as ourn" Set off for Paris.
Huzza ! The country flat and amazingly popu-
lous ; the houses of the peasantry scattered as thick
as they can he, about a mean between an English
cottage and an Irish cabin, or hovel ; but if the
house be inferior, there is an appearance in the spot
of ground about far beyond what I have seen in
England. Every cottage stands in the middle of a
94

1796] EXPENSES MOUNT

parallelogram of perhaps an acre or two, which is
planted with trees, and I suppose includes their
potagerie, etc. ; the quantity of wood thus scattered
over the face of the country is immense, and has a
beautiful effect ; every foot of ground seems to me
under cultivation, so there will be no starving,
please God, this year. France, D'Aucourt says, in
a good year, grows one-third more than she con-
sumes. No enclosures, but all the country open ;
excepting that circumstance, not unlike Yorkshire,
which I look upon as the finest part of England ;
an orchard to every cottage, besides rows of apple
trees, without intermission, by the roadside. Why
might it not be so in other countries whose climate
differs but very little from that of Normandy ?
Think of this.

February 12th. A most blistering bill for supper,
etc. In great indignation, and the more so, because
I could not scold in French. Passion is eloquent,
but all my figures of speech were lost on the land-
lord. If this extortion resulted from any scarcity,
I would submit in silence ; but it is downright
villainy. Well, " 'Tis but in vain" literally. Set
off in a very ill humour, but soon reconciled to my
losses by the smiling appearance of the country.
Still flat, and richly cultivated. Breakfast at Pont-
oise. The serenity of my temper, which I had
just recovered, ruffled completely by a second bill.
" Landlords have flinty hearts ; no tears can move
them" This comes of riding in fine carriages, with
95

AMBASSADOR OF REPUBLICAN IRELAND [1796

velvet linings ! We are downright Milords Anglais,
and they certainly make us pay for our titles. Our
dinner was a soup, roast fowl, fried carp, salads of
two kinds, a bottle of Burgundy, coffee after dinner,
and a glass of liqueur, with excellent bread — (I
forgot, we had cauliflowers and sauce) — and our
bill for the whole, wine and all, was 1,500 livres, in
assignats, which, at the present rate (the Louis being
6,500 livres), is exactly 4s. 7xtcL sterling. What
would I have given to have had P. P. with me !
Indeed we would have discussed another bottle of
the Burgundy, or, by'r Lady, some two or three. —
" The rogue has given me medicines to make me love
him. Yes ! I have drank medicines." I wish to God
our bill of fare was posted on the Royal Exchange,
for John Bull's edification.

February 13th. From Havre to Paris is 160 miles,
or thereabouts. We lay two nights on the road.
We were charged once or twice extravagantly.
Agree to keep close for a day or two, until we get
French clothes made, and then pay my first visit
to Monroe (the American Ambassador), and deliver
my letters. In the meantime to make inquiries.
The Directoire Executif have presented General
Jourdan * with six horses, magnificently caparisoned,
a sword, and a case of pistols. What a present for

*Jcan Baptiste Jourdan (1762-183 3) had distinguished him-
self in 1794 by driving the Austrians across the Rhine. Less
successful afterwards, he handed over his command to Massena.
Under Napoleon he became Governor of Naples in 1806.
Louis XVIII. made him a peer.

96

1796] IN PARIS— THE OPERA

a Republican General ! I observe they have given
nothing to Pichegru.* It looks odd that he should
be passed over. Do they intend to fix the public
attention on Jourdan ? Mind this. I should be
sorry if Pichegru were thrown into the shade. In
the evening, at the Grand Opera, Theatre des Arts,
Iphigenie. The acting admirable, but the singing
very inferior to that of the Haymarket. The French
cannot sing like the Italians. Agamemnon excel-
lent. Clytemnestra still better. Achilles abomin-
able, and more applauded than either of them.
Sung in the old French style, which is most detest-
able, shaking and warbling on every note ; vile !
vile ! vile ! The others sung in a style sufficiently
correct. The ballet, L'Offrande a la Liberie, most
superb. In the centre of the stage was the Statue
of Liberty, with an altar blazing before her. She
was surrounded by the characters in the opera, in
their beautiful Grecian habits. The civic air,
" Veillons au salut de I'Empire," was sung by a
powerful bass, and received with transport by the
audience. Whenever the word " esclavage " was
uttered, it operated like an electric shock. The
Marseillaise Hymn was next sung, and produced

* Charles Pichegru (1761-1804) succeeded Jourdan in '94
in the army of the North and became the conqueror of Holland
in '95 ; the same year he was disgraced for deliberately allowing
Jourdan to be defeated in a battle, and retired. Devoted to
Louis XVIII. , he intrigued on his behalf while president of the
Cinq Cents, and was deported to Cayenne. He conspired
against Napoleon, was arrested, and took his own life.

(4,409) gj 9

AMBASSADOR OF REPUBLICAN IRELAND [1796

still greater enthusiasm. At the word, " Aux armes
citoyens I " all the performers drew their swords,
and the females turned to them as encouraging
them. Before the last verse there was a short pause,
the time of the music was changed to a very slow
movement, and supported only by the flutes and
oboes ; a beautiful procession entered ; first little
children like cherubs, with baskets of flowers ;
these were followed by boys, a little more advanced,
with white javelins (the Hasta pura of the ancients)
in their hands. Then came two beautiful female
figures, moving like the graces themselves, with
torches blazing ; these were followed by four
negroes, characteristically dressed, and carrying
two tripods between them, which they placed
respectfully on each side of the altar ; next came
as many Americans, in the picturesque dress of
Mexico, and these were followed by an immense
crowd of other performers, variously habited, who
ranged themselves on both sides of the stage. The
little children then approached the altar with their
baskets of flowers, which they laid before the god-
dess ; the rest in their turn succeeded, and hung the
altar and the base of the statue with garlands and
wreaths of roses ; the two females with the torches
approached the tripods, and, just touching them
with the fire, they kindled into a blaze. The whole
then knelt down, and all of this was executed in
cadence to the music, and with a grace beyond
description. The first part of the last verse,
98

1796] A MOVING SPECTACLE

" Amour $acre de la patrie" was then sung slowly
and solemnly, and the words " Liberie, Liberie,
cherie" with an emphasis which affected me
most powerfully. All this was at once pathetic
and sublime, beyond what I had ever seen, or
could almost imagine ; but it was followed by an
incident which crowned the whole, and rendered
it indeed a spectacle worthy of a free republic :
At the words, " Aux armes, citoyens ! " the music
changed again to a martial style, the performers
sprung on their feet, and in an instant the stage
was filled with National Guards, who rushed in
with bayonets fixed, their sabres drawn, and their
tricolour flag flying. It would be impossible to
describe the effect of this. I never knew what
enthusiasm was before, and what heightened it
beyond all conception was, that the men I saw
before me were not hirelings, acting a part ; they
were what they seemed, French citizens flying to
arms, to rescue their country from slavery.

99

IX
TONE SETS TO WORK

February 14th. Dined at a tavern in a room
covered with gilding and looking-glasses down to
the floor. Superb beyond anything I had seen. It
was the Hotel of the Chancellor to the Duke of
Orleans.

February i$th. Went to Monroe's, the Am-
bassador, and delivered in my passport and letters.
Received very politely by Monroe, who inquired
a great deal into the state of the public mind in
America, which I answered as well as I could, and
in a manner to satisfy him pretty well as to my own
sentiments. I inquired of him where I was to de-
liver my dispatches. He informed me, at the
Minister for Foreign Affairs, and gave me his ad-
dress. I then rose and told him that when he had

read B 's letter (which was in cypher), he would,

I hope, find me excused in taking the liberty to call
again. He answered, he would be happy at all
times to see me, and, after he had inquired about
Hamilton Rowan, how he liked America, etc., I
took my leave, and returned to his office for my
100

1796] THE FRENCH FOREIGN MINISTER

passport. The Secretary smoked me for an Irish-
man directly. A la bonne heme. Went at three
o'clock to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Rue du
Bacq, 471. Delivered my passport, and inquired
for some one who spoke English. Introduced im-
mediately to the Chef de Bureau, Lamare, a man of
an exceedingly plain appearance. I showed my
letter, and told him I wished for an opportunity to
deliver it into the Minister's hands. He asked me,
" would it not do if he took charge of it ? " I
answered, he undoubtedly knew the official form
best, but if it was not irregular, I should consider
myself much obliged by being allowed to deliver
it in person. He then brought me into a magnifi-
cent antechamber, where a general officer and
another person were writing, and, after a few
minutes delay, I was introduced to the Minister,
Charles de la Croix,* and delivered my letter, which
he opened, and seeing it in cypher, he told me,
in French, he was much obliged to me for the
trouble I had taken, and that the Secretary would
give me a receipt, acknowledging the delivery. I
then made my bow and retired with the Secretary,
the Minister seeing us to the door. He is a respect-
able-looking man ; I should judge him near sixty,
and has very much the air of a bishop. The Secre-
tary has given me a receipt, of which the following
is a translation : "I have received from Mr. James
Smith, a letter addressed to the Committee of Public
* Father of the painter Ferdinand Delacroix (1794 -1863).
101

TONE SETS TO WORK [1796

Safety, and which he tells me comes from the citizen
Adet, Minister Plenipotentiary of the French Re-
public at Philadelphia, Paris, 26th Pluviose,* third
year of the French Republic. The Secretary
General of Foreign Affairs, Lamare." I have thus
broken the ice. In a day or two I shall return for
my passport.

February 16th. Walked out alone to see sights.
The Tuileries, the Louvre, Pontneuf, etc., superb.
Paris a thousand times more magnificent than
London, but less convenient for those who go
afoot. The women ! only to think what a thing
fashion is ! The French women have been always
remarkable for fine hair, and therefore at present
they all prefer to wear wigs. They actually roll
and pin up their own beautiful tresses, so that they
become invisible, and over them they put a little
shock periwig. Damn their wigs ! I wish they
were all burnt ; but it is the fashion, and that is a
solution for every absurdity.

February ijth. Went at one o'clock to the
Minister's bureau for my passport. He told me,
in French, that he had had the letter I brought
deciphered, and laid instantly before the Directoire
Executif, who considered the contents as of the
greatest importance ; that their intentions were that
I should go immediately to a gentleman, whom he
would give me a letter to, and, as he spoke both

* Fifth month of the calendar of the First Republic, from
January 20th to February 18th or 19th.
102

1796]

MADGETT

languages perfectly and was confidential, that I
should explain myself to him without reserve ;
that his name was Madgett.* The costume of the
Minister was singular ; I have said already that he
had the presence of a bishop. He was dressed to-
day in a grey silk robe de chambre, under which he
wore a kind of scarlet cassock of satin, with rose-
coloured silk stockings, and scarlet ribands in his
shoes. I believe he has as much the manners of a
gentleman as Lord Grenville. I mention these little
circumstances because I know they will be inter-
esting to her whom I prize above my life ten thou-
sand times. There are about six persons in the
world who will read these detached memorandums
with pleasure ; to every one else they would appear
sad stuff.

February iSth. Breakfast at Madgett's. Long
account, on my part, of the state of Ireland when
I left it, which will be found substantially in such
memoirs as I may prepare. Madgett assures me
again that the Government here have their attention
turned most seriously to Irish affairs ; that they feel
that unless they can separate Ireland from England,
the latter is invulnerable ; that they are willing to

* Nicholas Madgett, born in Kinsale 1740, was employed
at the French Foreign Office. His whole life was selflessly
devoted to achieving Irish freedom through French aid. He
is invariably confounded with a namesake (and relative), a
priest and strong royalist, who came to Ireland about 1796
as an English spy. See further, Ireland and Irishmen in the
French Revolution, by Dr. Richard Hayes.

IO3

TONE SETS TO WORK [1796

conclude a treaty offensive and defensive with Ire-
land, and a treaty of commerce on a footing of
reciprocal advantage ; that they will supply ten
sail of the line, arms, and money, as he told me
yesterday ; and that they were already making
arrangements in Spain and Holland for that pur-
pose. He asked me, did I think anything would
be done in Ireland by her spontaneous efforts. I
told him most certainly not ; that if a landing were
once effected, everything would follow instantly,
but that that was indispensable ; and I begged him
to state this as my opinion to such persons in power
as he might communicate with ; that if 20,000
French were in Ireland, we should in a month have
an army of 100,000, 200,000, or, if necessary, 3 00,000
men, but that the point d'appui was indispensable.
He said it appeared so to him also. He then re-
turned to the scheme of importing stores, etc.,
through the medium of America. I again men-
tioned the difficulty from the Gunpowder Act, and
the risk of alarming the Irish Government. He
said he still thought it would be possible, and men-
tioned as a reason, that eighteen brass cannon had,
to his knowledge, lately been smuggled to Ireland
through Belfast. If this be true it surprises me not
a little, but I rather judge Madgett is misinformed.
I then mentioned the necessity of having a man of
reputation at the head of the French forces, and
mentioned Pichegru or Jourdan, both of whom are
well known by character in Ireland. He told me
104

1796] A FURTHER MEMORIAL

there was a kind of coolness between the Executive
and Pichegru (this I suspected before), but that, if
the measures were adopted, he might still be the
General ; adding that he was a man of more talents
than Jourdan. I answered, " either would do."
He then desired me to prepare a memorial in form
for the French Executive as soon as possible, which
he would translate and have delivered in without
delay. We fixed to dine together at his lodgings,
and so parted.

February i$th, igth, 20th. At work in the morn-
ing at my memorial. Call on Madgett once a day
to confer with him. He says there will be sent a
person to Ireland immediately, with whom I shall
have a conference ; and that it would be desirable
he should bring back an appointment of Minister
Plenipotentiary for me, in order to conclude an
alliance offensive and defensive with the Republic ;
in which case I should be acknowledged as such by
the French Government. Certainly nothing could
be more flattering to me ; however, I answered that
such an appointment could not be had without
communicating with so many persons as might
endanger the betraying of the secret to the Irish
Government. So there was an end to my appoint-
ment. I must wait till the war at least is commenced,
if ever it commences, or perhaps until it is over, if I
am not knocked on the head meantime. I should
like very well to be the first Irish Ambassador ; and
if I succeed in my present business, I think I will have
105

TONE SETS TO WORK [1796

some claim to the office. " Oh, Paris is a fine town
and a very charming city." Iflreland were indepen-
dent I could spend three years here with my family,
especially my dearest love, very happily. I dare
say P. P. would have no objection to a few months
in the year a Vhotel cTlrlande. He is a dog. Indeed,
we would discuss several bottles of diplomatic Bur-
gundy. But all this is building castles in the air ;
let me finish my memorials, which Madgett tells
me this day, the 20th, the Minister has written to
him about. I am glad of that impatience. He,
Madgett, says if we succeed, it is part of the plan,
but I believe he means his own plan, to demand
Jamaica for Ireland, by way of indemnity. I wish
we had Ireland without Jamaica.

February 22nd. Finished my memorial, and de-
livered a fair copy, signed, to Madgett for the
Minister of Foreign Relations. Madgett in the
horrors. He tells me he has had a discourse
yesterday for two hours with the Minister, and
that the succours he expected will fall very short
of what he thought. That the marine of France
is in such a state that Government will not hazard
a large fleet ; and, consequently, that we must be
content to steal a march. That they will give 2,000
of their best troops, and arms for 20,000 ; that they
cannot spare Pichegru nor Jourdan ; that they will
give any quantity of artillery ; and, I think he
added, what money might be necessary. He also
said they would first send proper persons among
106

I79<5]

FIRST CHECK

the Irish prisoners of war, to sound them, and ex-
change them on the first opportunity. To all this,
at which I am not disappointed, I answered, that
as to 2,000 men, they might as well send 20. That
with regard to myself, I would go if they would
send but a corporal's guard, but that my opinion
was, that 5,000 was as little as could be landed with
any prospect of success, and that that number would
leave the matter doubtful ; that if there could be an
imposing force sent in the first instance, it would
overbear all opposition, the nation would be un-
animous, and an immense effusion of blood and
treasure would be spared ; the law of opinion would
at once operate in favour of the Government,
which, in that case, would be instandy formed ;
and I pressed particularly the advantages resulting
from that circumstance. He interrupted me to ask
who was known in Ireland after Pichegru and
Jourdan. I answered, Hoche, especially since his
affair at Quiberon.* He said he was sure we might
have Hoche. I also mentioned, that if they sent
but 5,000 men, they should send a greater quantity
of arms, as in that case we could not command, at
once, all the arms of the nation, as we should if they

* Louis Lazare Hoche (1768-97), one of the youngest of the
Republican generals ; in the army since boyhood he suppressed
the Vendean revolt at the age of twenty-six. He eventually
did lead the expedition to Ireland, and afterwards resumed his
successful career in '97. He died suddenly, as Tone records,
September 18th of that year. Quiberon refers to Hoche's
suppression of the Royalist insurgents there in 1795.
IO7

TONE SETS TO WORK [1796

were able to send 20,000 or even 15,000. I added,
diat as to the prisoners of war, my advice was to send
proper persons among them, but not to part with a
man of them, until the landing was effected,
and then exchange them as fast as possible. He
promised to represent all this, and that he hoped
we would get 5,000 men at least, and a greater
quantity of arms. We then parted. Now what
is to be my plan ? Suppose we get 5,000 men, and
30,000 or even 20,000 stand of arms and a train of
artillery, I conceive, in the first place, the embarka-
tion must be from Holland, but in all events the
landing must be in the North, as near Belfast as
possible. Had we 20,000, or even 15,000 in the
first instance, we should begin by the capital, the
seizing of which would secure everything ; but, as
it is, if we cannot go large we must go close-hauled,
as the saying is. With 5,000 we must proceed en-
tirely on a revolutionary plan, I fear (that is to say,
reckon only on the Sans-culottes) ; and, if necessary,
put every man, horse, guinea, and potato in Ireland
in requisition. I should also conceive that it would
be our policy at first to avoid an action, supposing
the Irish army stuck to the Government. Every
day would strengthen and discipline us, and give us
opportunities to work upon them. I doubt whether
we could, until we had obtained some advantage
in the field, frame any body that would venture to
call itself the Irish Government, but if we could, it
would be of the last importance. Hang those who
108

1796] CARNOT

talk of fear ! With 5,000 men, and very strong
measures, we should ultimately succeed. The only
difference between that number and 20,000, is that,
with the latter, there would be no fighting, and with
this, we may have some hard knocks. " Ten
thousand hearts are great within my bosom." I think
I will find a dozen men who will figure as soldiers.
O good God, good God ! what would I give to-
night that we were safely landed, and encamped on
the Cave Hill ! If we can find our way so far, I
think we shall puzzle John Bull to work us out.
Surely we can do as much as the Chpuans or people
of La Vendee.*

February 24th. Went at twelve o'clock, in a
fright, to the Luxembourg ; conning speeches in
execrable French, all the way : What shall I say to
Carnot ? Well, " whatsoever the Lord putteth in my
mouth, that surely shall I utter." Plucked up a spirit
as I drew near the palace, and mounted the stairs
like a Hon. Went into the first bureau that I found
open, and demanded at once to see Carnot. f The

* Tone, like a good soldier, has no prejudices. The Chouans
(Breton for " screech-owl ") rose against the Republic, joining
the Royalists at La Vendee. Smugglers to begin with, led by
a smuggler, Jean Cottereau, they waged a guerrilla war against
the Republic. Their numbers grew to an army of several
thousands, led, when Cottereau was killed in an ambush, by
George Cadoudal. Hoche crushed them at Quiberon, but a
desultory resistance went on after that until Cadoudal was
executed at Paris in 1804. Balzac's Les Chouans recaptures some
of the fine spirit of the revolt,

f Lazare N. M. Carnot (1753-1823), the great organizer of
the Republic, a member of the National Assembly and the
109

TONE SETS TO WORK [1796

clerks stared a little, but I repeated my demand
with a courage truly heroic ; on which they in-
stantly submitted, and sent a person to conduct me.
This happened to be his day for giving audience,
which each member of the Executive Directory does
in his turn. Introduced by my guide into the ante-
chamber, which was filled with people ; the officers
of state, all in their new costume. Wrote a line in
English and delivered it to one of the Huissiers,
stating that a stranger just arrived from America
wished to speak to citizen Carnot on an affair of
consequence. He brought me an answer in two
minutes that I should have an audience. The fold-
ing doors were now thrown open, a bell being
previously rung to give notice to the people, that
all who had business might present themselves, and
citizen Carnot appeared, in the petit costume of white
satin with crimson robe, richly embroidered. It is
very elegant, and resembles almost exactly the
draperies of Van Dyke. He went round the room
receiving papers and answering those who addressed
him. I told my friend the Huissier, in marvellous
French, that my business was too important to be
transacted there, and that I would return on another
day, when it would not be Carnot's turn to give
audience, and when I should hope to find him at
leisure. He mentioned this to Carnot, who ordered

Committee of Public Safety, and at this time Minister of War.
Again in 18 14, and yet again during the Hundred Days, he served
the Republic magnificently. An officer of real genius, he well
deserved the title of " organisateur de la victoire."

110

1796]

THE CRUCIAL MEETING

me instantly to be shown into an inner apartment,
and that he would see me as soon as the audience was
over. That I thought looked well, and began ac-
cordingly to con my speech again. In the apart-
ment were five or six personages, who being, like
myself, of great distinction, were admitted to a
private audience. I allowed them all precedence,
as I wished to have my will of Carnot, and while
they were in their turns speaking with him, I could
not help reflecting how often I had wished for the
opportunity I then enjoyed ; what schemes I had
laid, what hazards I had run ; when I looked round
and saw myself actually in the cabinet of the Execu-
tive Directory, vis-a-vis citizen Carnot, the organizer
of victory, I could hardly believe my own senses, and
felt as if it were all a dream. However, I was not
in the least degree disconcerted, and when I pre-
sented myself, after the rest were dismissed, I had
all my faculties, such as they were, as well at my
command as on any occasion in my life. Why do
I mention those trifling circumstances ? It is be-
cause they will not be trifling in her eyes, for whom
they were written. I began the discourse by saying,
in horrible French, that I had been informed he spoke
English. " A little, sir, but I perceive you speak
French, and if you please, we will converse in that
language." I answered, still in my jargon, that if
he could have the patience to endure me, I would
endeavour, and only prayed him to stop me when-
ever I did not make myself understood. I then told
in

TONE SETS TO WORK [1796

him I was an Irishman ; that I had been Secretary
and Agent to the Catholics of that country, who
were about 3,000,000 of people; that I was also in
perfect possession of the sentiments of the Dissenters,
who were at least 900,000, and that I wished to
communicate with him on the actual state of Ire-
land. He stopped me here to express a doubt as
to the numbers being so great as I represented. I
answered a calculation had been made within these
few years, grounded on the number of houses,
which was ascertained for purposes of revenue ;
that, by that calculation, the people of Ireland
amounted to 4,100,000, and it was acknow-
ledged to be considerably under the truth. He
seemed a little surprised at this, and I proceeded
to state that the sentiments of all those people were
unanimous in favour of France, and eager to throw
off the yoke of England. He asked me then
" What they wanted/ ' I said, " An armed force
in the commencement, for a point d'appui, until they
could organize themselves, and undoubtedly a
supply of arms and some money." I added that I
had already delivered in a memorial on the subject
to the Minister of Foreign Relations, and that I was
preparing another, which would explain to him, in
detail, all that I knew on the subject, better than I
could in conversation. He then said, " We shall
see those memorials." The Organizer of Victory
proceeded to ask me, " Were there not some strong
places in Ireland ? " I answered I knew of none,
112

1796] IMPRESSING CARNOT

but some works to defend the harbour of Cork.
He stopped me here, saying, " Aye, Cork ! But
may it not be necessary to land there ? " By which
I had perceived he had been organizing a little
already, in his own mind. I answered, I thought
not. That if a landing in force were attempted, it
would be better near the capital, for obvious reasons,
if with a small army, it should be in the North,
rather than the South of Ireland, for reasons which
he would find in my memorials. He then asked
me, " Might there not be some danger or delay
in a longer navigation ? " I answered, it would
not make a difference of two days, which was noth-
ing in comparison of the advantages. I then told
him that I came to France by direction and con-
currence of the men, who (and here I was at a loss
for a French word, with which, seeing my em-
barrassment, he supplied me) guided the two great
parties I had mentioned. This satisfied me clearly
that he attended to and understood me. I added,
that I had presented myself in August last, in Phila-
delphia, to citizen Adet, and delivered to him such
credentials as I had with me ; that he did not at
that juncture think it advisable for me to come in
person, but offered to transmit a memorial, which
I accordingly delivered to him. That about the
end of November last, I received letters from my
friends in Ireland, repeating their instructions in the
strongest mannner, that I should, if possible, force

my way to France, and lay the situation of Ireland
(4,409) II3 I0

TONE SETS TO WORK [1796

before its Government. That, in consequence, I
had again waited on citizen Adet, who seemed
eager to assist me, and offered me a letter to the
Directoire Executif, which I accepted with grati-
tude. That I sailed from America in the very first
vessel, and was arrived about a fortnight ; that I had
delivered my letter to the Minister for Foreign
Affairs, who had ordered me to explain myself
without reserve to citizen Madgett, which I had
accordingly done. That by his advice I had pre-
pared and delivered one memorial, on the actual
state of Ireland, and was then at work on another,
which would comprise the whole of the subject.
That I had the highest respect for the Minister, and
that as to Madgett, I had no reason whatsoever to
doubt him, but, nevertheless, must be permitted to
say that, in my mind, it was a business of too
great importance to be transacted with a mere
Commis. That I should not think I had discharged
my duty, either to France or Ireland, if I left any
measure unattempted which might draw the atten-
tion of the Directory to the situation of the latter
country ; and that, in consequence, I had presumed
to present myself to him, and to implore his atten-
tion to the facts contained in my two memorials.
That I would also presume to request that, if any
doubt or difficulty arose in his mind on any of those
facts, he would have the goodness to permit me to
explain. I concluded by saying that I looked upon
it as a favourable omen that I had been allowed to
114

1796] THE INTERVIEW CLOSES

communicate with him, as he was already perfectly
well known by reputation in Ireland, and was the
very man of whom my friends had spoken. He
shook his head and smiled, as if he doubted me a
little. I assured him the fact was so ; and, as a
proof, told him that in Ireland we all knew, three
years ago, that he could speak English ; at which
he did not seem displeased. I then rose, and after
the usual apologies, took my leave ; but I had not
cleared the antechamber, when I recollected a very
material circumstance, which was, that I had not
told him, in fact, who, but merely what I was ; I
was, therefore, returning on my steps, when I was
stopped by the sentry, demanding my card ; but
from this dilemma I was extricated by my lover
the Huissier, and again admitted. I then told
Carnot that, as to my situation, credit, and the
station I had filled in Ireland, I begged leave to
refer him to James Monroe, the American Ambas-
sador. He seemed struck with this, and then for
the first time asked my name. I told him, in fact,
I had two names, my real one and that under which
I travelled and was described in my passport. I
then took a slip of paper, and wrote the name
" James Smith, citoyen Americain, ,, and under it,
" Theobald Wolfe Tone," which I handed him,
adding that my real name was the undermost. He
took the paper, and looking over it, said, " Ha !
Theobald Wolfe Tone," with the expression of one
who has just recollected a circumstance, from which
US

TONE SETS TO WORK [1796

little movement I augur good things. I then told
him I would finish my memorial as soon as possible,
and hoped he would permit me, in the course of a
few days after, to present myself again to him ; to
which he answered, " By all means " ; and so I
again took my leave. Here is a full and true ac-
count of my first audience of the Executive Direc-
tory of France, in the person of citizen Carnot, the
organizer of victory. I think I came off very clear.
What am I to think of all this ? As yet I have
met no difficulty nor check, nothing to discourage
me, but I wish with such extravagant passion for
the emancipation of my country, and I do so abhor
and detest the very name of England, that I doubt
my own judgment, lest I see things in too favourable
a light. I hope I am doing my duty. It is a bold
measure ; after all if it should succeed, and my
visions be realized — Huzza ! Vive la Republique !
I am a pretty fellow to negotiate with the Directory
of France, pull down a monarchy and establish a
republic ; to break a connection of 600 years'
standing and contract a fresh alliance with another
country. " Byr Lakin, a parlous fear." What
would my old friend Fitzgibbon say if he was
to read those memorandums ? "He called me dog
before he had a cause." I remember he used to say
that I was a viper in the bosom of Ireland. Now
that I am in Paris, I will venture to say that he lies,
and that I am a better Irishman than he and his
whole gang of rascals, as well as the gang who are
116

1796] A SPY?

opposing him as it were. But this is all castle-
building. Let me finish my memorial, and deliver
it to the Minister. — Nothing but Minister and Direc-
toires Executif and revolutionary memorials.

February 2$th. Finish the draft of my second
memorial, and read it over with Madgett.

February 26th. This morning finished an awk-
ward business, that is to say, wrote a long letter to
the Minister, all about myself; very proper in an
ambassador to frame his own credentials. My
commission was large, for I made it myself. Read it
over carefully ; every word true and not exagger-
ated. Resolved to go at once to the Minister and
deliver my letter, like a true Irishman, with my own
hands. Went to his bureau and saw Lamare, the
Secretary, whom I sent in to demand an audience.
Lamare returned with word that the Minister was
just engaged with Neri Corsini, Ambassador from
the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and would see me the
moment he was at leisure. Waited accordingly
in the antechamber. A person came in, and after
reconnoitring for some time, pulled out an English
newspaper and began to read it. Looked at him
with the most interesting indifference, as if he was
reading a chapter in the Koran. Did the fellow
think I would rise at such a bait as that ? Neri
Corsini being departed, I was introduced, leaving
my friend in the antechamber to study his news-
paper. I assured him, as the fact was, that I kept
the most rigid guard on myself; that I did not
117

TONE SETS TO WORK [1-796

know a soul in Paris, nor desire to know any one ;
that I formed no connections, nor intended to form
any ; and that, in short, I kept myself purposely in
solitude, that I might escape notice as much as
possible. He said I was very right, and asked me,
did I know the person I saw in the antechamber.
I answered, I did not. He said he was an Irish
patriot, named Duchet, as he pronounced it, who
was persecuted into exile for some writing under
the signature of Junius Redivivus. I said it might be
so, but that I knew nothing of him, or of the
writings, and that if such an event had taken place,
it must have been since June last, when I left Ireland.
I then mentioned the circumstance of his pulling
out an English newspaper, and setting a trap for
me therewith, and how I avoided falling into his
snare. The Minister said again I was quite right,
but that that person had delivered in several
memorials on the state of Ireland. This is very
odd ! I never saw the man in my life, and yet
I rather imagine he knew my person. Who the
devil is Junius Redivivus ? or who is Duchet, if his
name be Duchet ? I must talk a little to Madgett of
this resurrection of Junius, of whom, to speak the
truth, I have no good opinion. He then produced
a map of Ireland, and we looked over it together.
I took this advantage to slide in some of my own
ideas, by saying that if we were able to begin in
considerable force, we should commence as near
the capital as possible, the possession of which, if
118

1796] TONE FEELING HIS WAY

once obtained, would, I thought, decide the whole
business ; but, if we began with a smaller force, we
should commence as near Belfast as we could, and
then push forward, so as to secure the mountains
of Mourne and the Fews, by means of which and
of Lough Erne we could cover the entire province
of Ulster, and maintain ourselves until we had
collected our friends in sufficient force to penetrate
to Dublin. He liked my plan extremely, which
certainly appears to be the only feasible one, in
case of a small force being landed. He also desired
me to press Madgett to expedite the translations as
much as possible, and, on the whole, certainly ap-
peared to be nearly as earnest and anxious in the
business as myself. I then took my leave. The
result of this conversation, the principal circum-
stances of which I have substantially related, is, that
the Executive Directory at present are determined
to take us up, but on a small scale ; that they will
give us thirty pieces of cannon, properly manned,
and twenty thousand stand of arms, with some
money, of course, to begin with ; but I did not
collect from the Minister that they had an idea of
any definite number of troops, at least he mentioned
none, and I did not press him on that head, as I wish
they should first read and consider my memorials ;
perhaps what is said in them may induce them to
reconsider the subject ; and, if so, I shall have done
a most important service both to France and Ire-
land.

119

THE DELAYS BEGIN

February i%th. Went to Monroe's about my
passport, and had an hour's conversation with him ;
I like him very much ; he speaks like a sincere re-
publican ; he praises the Executive Directory to
the skies, and Charles De la Croix ; all for the
better. Carnot, he tells me, is a military man, and
one of the first engineers of Europe. (Vide my
observation touching his organizing about Cork
harbour.) Le Tourneur is also a military man, so
that, with Barras,* there are three soldiers in the
Directoire. I am very glad of that.

February 29th. I have now six days before me,
and nothing to do ; huzza ! Dine every day at
Beauvilliers for about half-a-crown, including a
bottle of choice Burgundy, which I finish regularly.

* Paul Jean F. N. Barras (175 5-1829), one of the most active
partisans of the Revolution, a member of the Directory, a
soldier, more than once virtual dictator at Paris, was outshone
by Napoleon after the establishment of the Consulate. He was
implicated in a conspiracy and exiled. After Waterloo he
returned to France.

120

1796] DAY DREAMS

Beauvilliers has a dead bargain of me for water ;
I do not think I consume a spoonful in a week. A
bottle of Burgundy is too much, and I resolve every
morning regularly to drink but the half, and every
evening regularly I break my resolution. I wish I
had P. P. to drink the other half, and then perhaps
I should live more soberly. Oh Lord ! Oh Lord !
Soberly. Yes, we should be a sober pair! "Patriots !"
as Matty says.* Well, " It is the squire s custom every
afternoon, as soon as he is drunk" to begin thinking of
his wife and family. I have to be sure sometimes
most delightful reveries. If I succeed in my busi-
ness here, and ever return to Ireland, and am not
knocked on the head, there will not be on earth so
happy a circle as round my fireside. Well, huzza !
" I hope to see a battle yet before I die."

March 6th. Madgett has not yet finished the
translation ; hell ! hell !

March jth. We descended into the catacombs
where were the cenotaphs of Voltaire, Rousseau,
and, what interested me much more, of Dam-
pierre,f who was killed at Famars. Certainly noth-
ing can be imagined more likely to create a great

* His wife.

f It is interesting to note Tone's warm admiration for General
Dampierre (Auguste Henri D., 1756-93), a thoroughly dashing
but slightly irresponsible young soldier, whose name is associated
with that of Doumouriez and the battle of Neerwinden, when
the allies defeated the French. A picturesque, colourful figure,
he was given the honours of the Pantheon by a populace which
was not prevented by his lack of success from turning him into
a heroic legend.

121

THE DELAYS BEGIN [1796

spirit in a nation than a depository of the kind,
sacred to everything that is sublime, illustrious,
and patriotic. The French have, however, a little
overshot the mark ; for they have had occasion
already to displace two at least of their mighty
dead ; I mean Marat,* whom I believe to have been
a sincere enthusiast, incapable of feeling or remorse,
and Mirabeau, whom I look upon to have been a
most consummate scoundrel, f If we have a repub-
lic in Ireland, we must build a Pantheon, but we
must not, like the French, be in too great a hurry
to people it. We have already a few to begin with :
Roger O'Moore, Molyneux, Swift, and Dr. Lucas,
all good Irishmen.

March gth 9 10th. Strolling about : the Museum
again, and the inimitable Magdalen of Le Brun :
spent near an hour looking at it.
March nth. Requisition ! Requisition ! Our

*Jean Paul Marat (1743-93), the implacable enemy of the
monarchy, the most bitter of the Jacobins, largely responsible
for the massacres of September 1792. A physician of skill and
the author of several political essays, he ruled the mob for a
period, and they gave him, also, the honours of a national
funeral when Charlotte Corday ended his career by stabbing
him in his bath.

f The reason for Tone's poor opinion of Mirabeau (1749-91)
is not so easy to see ; he hardly disliked him solely for his
morals. But there was nothing dashing about Mirabeau, whose
fame rests on his work as an economist, a political philosopher,
and an orator. (See his Lettres de Cachet, written while a prisoner
at Vincennes, and Saint Beuve's essay of April 14, 1851 — a
splendid tribute.) He was a man of extreme passions who tried
to steer a middle course between the still more passionate
extremes of his time. Tone's likes and dislikes are informative.
122

1796] PESTERING CARNOT

independence must be had at all hazards. If the
men of property will not support us, they must
fall ; we can support ourselves by the aid of that
numerous and respectable class of the community
the men of no property.

March 12th. Called on Madgett. He tells me
that the business is going forward, but that the
French Government is in the greatest difficulty for
the want of money ; that the Executive Directory
was, within these few days, on the point of resign-
ing, and that they had signified to the Legislature
that they would do so if they were not properly
supported. I should be sincerely sorry if this were
the case, as well for the sake of France as of Ireland,
for I believe they are both able and honest. On
the whole, I am not much delighted with our pres-
ent prospects.

March 14th. Went this day to the Luxembourg ;
I have the luck of going on the days that Carnot
gives audience, and of course is most occupied ;
waited, however, to the last, when only one person
remained besides myself. Carnot then called me
over, and said, " You are an Irishman." I answered
I was. " Then," said he, " here is almost a country-
man of yours, who speaks English perfectly. He
has the confidence of Government : go with him
and explain yourself without reserve." I did not
much like this referring me over ; however, there
was no remedy ; so I made my bow, and followed
my new lover to his hotel. He told me on the way
123

THE DELAYS BEGIN [1796

that he was General Clarke * ; that his father was an
Irishman ; that he had himself been in Ireland, and
had many relations in that country ; he added (God
forgive him if he exaggerated), that all the military
arrangements of the Republic passed through his
hands, and, in short, gave me to understand that he
was at the head of the War Department. By this
time we arrived at the hotel where he kept his
bureau, and I observed in passing through the office
to his cabinet an immense number of boxes labelled,
Armee du Nord, Armee des Pyrennees, Armee du
Rhin, etc., etc., so that I was pretty well satisfied
that I was in the right track. When we entered the
cabinet I told him in three words who and what I
was, and then proceeded to detail, at considerable
length, all I knew on the state of Ireland, which, as
it is substantially contained in my two memorials,
to which I referred him, I need not here recapitu-
late.

I see clearly that all Clarke's ideas on Irish politics
are at least thirty years behind those of the people,
and I took pains to impress him with that conviction
as delicately as I could. We should, according to
his theory, have two blessed auxiliaries to begin
with, the noblesse and the clergy. I hope, how-

* Later Due de Feltre, one of the several officers of the Irish
Brigade to favour the Revolution. Most of the Old Irish
Brigade were royalist, and one sees the tinge of this monarchism
even in Clarke's ideas. Farther on, March 27th, it is well to
remember this when Tone mocks at the (New) Brigade and tells
how the Catholics nearly mobbed some of them in Dublin.
124

1796] THE " BLANK " DAYS BEGIN

ever, I have beat him a little out of that nonsense,
and that, when he reads the memorials in cool
blood, he will be satisfied of its absurdity.

March i$th. Went to breakfast with Madgett,
in consequence of a note which I received from him.
Madgett in high spirits ; tells me everything is
going on as well as possible ; that our affair is
before the Directory. I must observe that it is very-
odd, if the business be as Madgett says, before the
Directory, and so far advanced, that Clarke should
know nothing about it. Carnot did not appear to
me yesterday to have even seen my memorials, and
I rather believe that to be the case. Madgett is much
more sanguine than I am, for I preserve in all this
business a phlegm which is truly admirable.

March 16th. Blank. Dined alone in the Champs
Elysees. A most delicious walk.

March 17th. St. Patrick's day. Dined alone in
the Champs Elysees. Sad ! Sad !

March 18th. Blank ! Theatre in the evening.

March 21st. Went, by appointment (this being
the 1st Germinal) to the Luxembourg, to General
Clarke ; " damn it and rot it for me " — he has not yet
got my memorials ; only think how provoking.

Went to see Othello ; not translated, but only
taken from the English. Poor Shakespeare ! I
felt for him. The French tragedy is a pitiful per-
formance, filled with false sentiment ; the Moor
whines most abominably, and Iago is a person of a
very pretty morality ; the author apologizes for
125

THE DELAYS BEGIN [1796

softening the villainy of the latter character, as well
as for saving the life of Desdemona, and substituting
a happy termination in place of the sublime and
terrible conclusion of the English tragedy, by say-
ing that the humanity of the French nation, and
their morality would be shocked by such exhibi-
tions : " Marry come up, indeed ! People s ears are
sometimes the nicest part about them." I admire a
nation that will guillotine sixty people a day for
months, men, women, and children, and cannot
bear the catastrophe of a dramatic exhibition ! Yet,
certainly the author knows best, and I have had
occasion repeatedly to observe, that the French are
more struck with any little incident of tenderness
on the stage, a thousand times, than the English,
which is strange. In short, the French are a hu-
mane people when they are not mad, and I like
them with all their faults, and the guillotine at the
head of them, better, a thousand times, than the
English. And I like the Irish better than either,
and as no one can doubt my impartiality, I expect
my opinion will be received with proper respect
and deference by all whom it may concern.

March 22nd. I have worked this day like a horse.
In the morning I called on Madgett to tell him that
Carnot wanted the memorials, and begged him to
expedite them. He boggled a good deal, and I got
almost angry ; however, I am growing so much
of a statesman, that I did not let him see it. It
would be a most extraordinary thing, indeed, if one
126

1796] YET ANOTHER MEMORIAL

of the Executive Directory could not command a
paper of this kind out of the pocket of citizen
Madgett. I resolved not to contest the point, but
quietly to make a copy of the two memorials
and give them myself to Clarke.

It is only the trouble, and I have nothing else
to do, and it is very good business for me, and I
do not understand people being idle and giving
themselves airs, and wanting to make revolutions,
whilst they are grumbling at the trouble of writing
a few sheets of paper. Having done with Madgett,
I returned home, and set doggedly to copying my
two memorials ; finished the first, and made a
practicable breach in the second ; then wrote the
eight foregoing pages in my journal, and now it is
ten o'clock at night, and I am as tired as a dog, and
my fingers are cramped, and I cannot see out of my
eyes. Oh Lord ! oh Lord ! what wise memoran-
dums I am making, and I am as tired as a devil, for
I have written nine hours to-day, which is more than
I ever did in my life. " What do I not suffer, O
Athenians, that you may speak well of me ? " Pretty
and modest, comparing myself by craft to Alexander
the Great ! Well, the vanity of some people is
most unaccountable !

March 23 r d. Madgett sent for me this morning
to tell me, as usual, that everything is going on well,
but, for my part, I think everything is going on very
slowly. However, I did not say so. Madgett then
told me the Minister desired I should draw up such
127

THE DELAYS BEGIN [1796

a memorial as I thought the French commander
ought to publish on landing. That is not quite so
easy. I wished to evade it, by saying the style of
French eloquence was so different from ours that I
doubted my abilities to do it. He answered, it was
precisely for that reason it was necessary I should
write it ; that, when I had done, the Executive
Directory would make such alterations and addi-
tions as they might see necessary ; but the ground-
work must be mine. I then said I would try, and
we parted.

March 24th. Began my French manifesto. It
drags a little heavy or so, but there is no remedy. I
wish they would write it themselves.

March 26th. At work at the manifesto like a
vicious mule, kicking all the way. At night sent
for a bottle of Burgundy, intending to drink just
one glass. Began to read (having opened my bottle)
" Memoirs of the Reign of Louis XIV." After
reading some time, found my passion at a particular
circumstance kindled rather more than seemed
necessary, as I flung the book from me with great
indignation. Turned to my bottle, to take a glass
to cool me — found, to my great astonishment, that
it was empty — Oh ho ! — Got up and put every-
thing in its place, exactly — examined all my locks
— saw that my door was fast, as there may be rogues
in the hotel — peeped under my bed, lest the enemy
should surprise me there. It is the part of a wise
man to be cautious, and I found myself, just then,
128

1796] WHEEDLING GENERAL CLARKE

inclined to be extremely prudent. Having satisfied
myself that all was safe, " / mounted the wall of my
castle, as I called it, and having pulled the ladder up after
me, I lay down in my hammock and slept contentedly."
This is vilely misquoted, but no matter for that ; it
is just like one of P. P.'s quotations. Slept like a
top all night.

March 2jth. On looking over my manifesto this
morning, I begin to think it is damned trash.
Went at two o'clock to General Clarke, and had a
long conversation. He told me he had read my
two memorials, and without flattery could assure
me they were extremely well done (that of course) :
that he had made, in consequence, a favourable
report to Carnot, who endeavoured to read them
also, but finding a difficulty in reading English
manuscript, he (Clarke) was to translate them for
him ; that all he could at present tell me was, that
the Executive was determined to send a person
directly to Ireland, and that he had in consequence
written to an ex-officer of the Irish Brigade to know
if he would go, but that he declined on the score of
health. I told him I was sorry for that, as a military
man, if one could be found proper in other respects,
would be what I would prefer. He asked me, did
I myself know any person fit to go ? I answered,
I did not, having no acquaintance, and industriously
avoiding having any, in France. He replied that it
would not be easy to get an officer such as I de-
scribed to undertake the enterprise with so small a

(4,409) I29 j j

THE DELAYS BEGIN [1796

force. (This I was all along afraid of.) I replied,
none would, unless some dashing fighting fellow,
with a good deal of enthusiasm in his character ;
adding, that Bournonville, whom I only knew by
reputation and Camus's report, seemed to me to be
precisely such a man as we wanted. Clarke replied,
as to Bournonville, he was already appointed to the
army in Holland, and it was not to be supposed he
would quit the command of sixty thousand men to
go command six thousand. I answered, he knew
best, but my opinion was, there was more glory
to be acquired in Ireland, even with that force, and
also more profit, if profit were any object, as he must
suppose the Irish nation would amply reward those
who were instrumental in establishing their liberties,
adding, that we were generous even to prodigality.
He said he was sure Bournonville would prefer his
present situation. (So there is an end of that ex-
pectation, for which I am sorry.) Clarke then said
there were some Irish officers yet remaining in
France who might go, and he mentioned Jennings,*
who used to call himself Baron de Kilmaine, God
knows why. I answered that in Ireland we had no
great confidence in the officers of the old Irish

* Charles Jennings Kilmaine, a Dubliner (1754-99), fought
as a private under Lauzun, and in America under Lafayette.
In France he became chef d'escadron, and in 1793 seconded
Dampierre. He was in jail in Paris ; he accompanied Napoleon
across the Alps ; he had a command in the Armie d'Angleterre
in 1798 ; and was later made Generalissimo of the Swiss Army,
but resigned his baton to Massena because of ill-health. He
died in Paris ; a typical Irish soldier of fortune.
130

1796] QUIZZING THE IRISH BRIGADE

Brigade, so many of them had either deserted, or
betrayed the French cause ; that, as to Jennings, he
had had the misfortune to command after Custine,
and had been obliged to break up the famous
" Camp de Ccesar " ; that, though this might prob-
ably have been no fault of his, it had made an
impression, and, as he was at any rate not a fortunate
general, I thought it would be better to have a
Frenchman. This naturally introduced the Irish
Brigade, in which Clarke had served for two years
in Berwicks, and I gave him an account of the
various slights and mortifications they had under-
gone, both in England and Ireland ; how they had
been obliged to accept the King's pardon for high
treason, for having been in the French service ; how
those who were able, were obliged to pay the fees,
and those who were not, to accept it in forma pauperis,
a circumstance so excessively degrading, that noth-
ing could be worse ; how the Lord Lieutenant had
applied on their behalf to the Catholic Committee,
and had been refused ; how the very mob despised
them, as an instance of which I mentioned the
anecdote of the Etat-Major intending to go to Mass
on Christmas Day in grand costume, and how they
were obliged to give it up for fear of being hustled
by the populace, who had given Dr. Troy warning
that they would treat them as crimps ; with all
which Clarke was exceedingly delighted. I then
mentioned my scheme, as to the Irish, now prisoners
in France, and made him laugh immoderately at my
131

THE DELAYS BEGIN [1796

mode of recruiting, which is, however, admirably
adapted to the gentlemen whom I should have to
address. Seeing that he was tickled with the busi-
ness, I exerted myself, and made divers capital hits
at the expense of poor Pat, concerning

" Women and wine, which compare so well,
That they run in a perfect parallel,' '

as the poet hath it. To be sure, it is in vain to deny
it, but the poor fellow is a little exposed on those
two sides, and the foul fiend, who knows it right
well, always judiciously chooses one or the other,
or sometimes both, to defeat him. God knows, I
have been buffeted by Satan, as well as another, in
my time :

" With women and wine I defy every care."

—(Sings.)

I would be glad to know what P. P. would say to
my doctrine, concerning the fallibility of poor Pat's
judgment, when

" The wine looks red in the glass,
And the bright eyes of beauty are beaming."

Yes ! yes ! he is proof to all that, and so is P. P.,
and another person that shall be nameless. Well,
we are all men, and so let me say no more about the
matter.

132

I79<5] ON STAGE CONVENTIONS

March 28th. Went to the opera, as usual, like a
fine gentleman. I always go to that theatre, because,
as yet, I understand music better than French. Pan-
urge. Superb spectacle. Once for all, the King's
theatre in the Haymarket is no better than a barn
of strollers beside the Theatre des Arts, as to scenery,
machinery, dresses, and decorations ; but in re-
venge, their singers (being Italians) are far before
the French, who, on the other hand, excel the
Italians, and all other nations, in their dances. It
is impossible to conceive anything in its kind more
perfect than a grand ballet at the Opera of Paris, and,
indeed, in all their theatres there is an attention paid
to the preservation of costume, even in the minutest
points, very far beyond the English theatres, where,
I have seen myself, Macbeth, a Scottish chief of
eight centuries ago, dressed in a very spruce vest of
scarlet regimentals, and a bag wig, in which he need
not be ashamed to show his face at St. James's, and
where, to this hour, Hamlet the Dane, the son of
Horwendillus, is exhibited, even by Kemble, from
whom I would expect better things, in a fine black
velvet full-trimmed suit, with the ribbon of the
order of the Elephant over his shoulder ; where
King John is habited after the fashion of 1160, and
his antagonist, King Philip, confronts him in a
cocked hat and feather, and a coat and waistcoat
of the last court fashion. These absurdities the eye
is never shocked with in France, and they are as
attentive to the appearance of the meanest domestic
133

THE DELAYS BEGIN [1796

as of the hero of the piece. All the minutiae of the
scene are equally correct : for example, in a Grecian
tragedy they would not introduce a pair of hand-
some plated candlesticks. They have carefully
studied the antique, and whatever is graceful
among the moderns, and profited accordingly.
I believe I have now said enough of the opera,
to which the French are devoted a lafolie. All the
theatres are as full every night as they can hold, and
I have never seen an instance of what we call in
England a bad or even a middling house.

April 1st. Lounged about " cheapening old authors
at a stall." Saw a superb battalion of infantry, and
a squadron of cavalry inspected at the Tuileries by a
general officer. The French cavalry are armed only
with sabres and pistols, without carbines. I am
glad of that, for I always thought carbines useless.
The fire of infantry seems to me to have very little
effect in comparison of the noise it makes, and the
fire of cavalry I am sure is nonsense. The arme
blanche is the system of the French, and I believe
for the Irish, at least if our affair goes forward it
will be what I shall recommend, for poor Pat is
very furious and savage, and the tactics of every
nation ought to be adapted to the national character.
Platooning at forty yards' distance may answer very
well to the English and German phlegm, but as we
have rather more animal spirits, I vote for the
bayonet. I do not love playing at long bullets.
To conclude, I wish to study the character of the
134

1796] AN IRRITATING IRISHMAN

French soldiers, and, if possible, to create the same
spirit in Ireland, and, in a word, to make the French
army our model instead of the Prussian. I think
P. P. will allow that this is candid in me, after all
the disputes he and I have had on the subject of
discipline.

April yd. Called on Madgett this morning by
appointment. He is always full of good news. He
tells me the marine force will be seventeen ships of
war, great and small, arms and artillery, etc., for
50,000 men ; that many of the officers are already
named, but he believes not the general-in-chief.
All this is very good, but " Would I could see it, quoth
blind Hugh." Just then we were interrupted by the
arrival of Fitzsimons, the priest, who has been
recommended by Prieur de la Marne to go to
Ireland. Madgett began to speak without re-
serve, but, for my part, I kept myself in generals,
because "Dolus versatur in universalibus" I was
soon very glad I did so, for I see that he is a damned
fool, not fit to deliver a common message. He may
be honest, for aught I know, and may have the
courage necessary, but he has not one grain of
talents. I never was more provoked in my life,
and the fellow was pinning himself on me, though
my manner was as cold and dry as possible, but he
seems to have a reasonable assurance, resulting partly
from his extreme ignorance. Curse on him ! for
a bladdering idiot ; what shall I do with him ?
How can I explain myself to such a damned dunce,
135

THE DELAYS BEGIN [1796

or entrust the safety of my friends, not to speak of
the measure itself, to a blockhead that has not sense
enough to keep his mouth shut, or count five on
his fingers ? Where the devil in hell did Prieur
pick him up, and what sort of a fellow must Prieur
be himself, to recommend him ? If he judges him
capable, he is a fool ; if not, he is worse. Damn
him to hell ! I wish he was dead. " / would fain
have him die, split me ! " Is not this most terribly
provoking ? for it seems to be a thing settled that
he shall go. What am I to do in this cursed
dilemma, and how came Madgett not to interfere
in time ? I objected all along to priests as the worst
of all possible agents, and here is one who is the
worst of all possible priests. How the devil can I
communicate with such an ass ? It is impossible to
conceive anything more vulgar, ignorant, and
stupid. If he goes to Ireland, the people there
will suppose that we are laughing at them, to send
such a fellow. What will Gog think ? Yes, Gog
will open his heart very readily to Mr. Fitzsimons.
God rot him ! I am in such a rage I know not how
to leave off abusing him. To give a specimen of
his talents (because he amuses me) : There happened
to be some Portuguese dispatches taken aboard a
vessel going to Brazil. Sullivan, Madgett's nephew,
was carrying them to the office to be translated, and
Mr. Fitzsimons made the following remark : " You
will have fine fun, making out what these Portu-
guese fellows say ; are all those papers, pray,

136

1796]

BAD NEWS

wrote in English ? " The dispatches of the Portu-
guese Ministry to the Governor of Rio Janeiro
written in English ! Oh Lord ! oh Lord ! I thought
I should have choked, endeavouring to smother the
irresistible propensity I felt to laugh in his face. Yes,
he is a pretty devil of an agent. I suppose he will
talk Portuguese to the Irish, by way of keeping the
secret. Damn him sempiternally !

April $th, 6th, 7th. Blank ! Blank ! Blank !
This is sad !

April 9, 1796. Sullivan * called on me this morn-
ing with an English paper of the 31st of March
(ten days ago), in which is an article on Ireland,
wherein mention is made of Sir Edward Bellew, of
Bellewstown, being arrested, as connected with
the Defenders.

I observe, in the same paper, that several other
persons have been obliged to abscond to avoid
imprisonment. I have no doubt but the most
active and useful of my friends are of the number.
This is a gloomy day. What if this indiscriminate
persecution were to provoke a general rising, as in
1 641 ! The thing is not impossible. Oh ! France !
France ! what do you not deserve to suffer if you
permit this crisis to escape you ! Poor Ireland !
Well, it does not signify whining or croaking, and
^ am sworn never to despair ; but the slowness of
the people here, if they really have the means to

* Madgett's nephew-
April 3rd, q.v .

-already referred to under entry of
137

THE DELAYS BEGIN [1796

act, is beyond all human suffering ; if they have
not, we must submit ; but it is dreadful to think of.
Dined to-day in the Champs EJysees with Madgett
and a person of the name of Aherne, a physician,
who is to be sent to Ireland. I like Aherne very
well ; he seems a cool man with good republican
sentiments. I should have observed in its place,
that I went at twelve o'clock to Clarke, and brought
him the newspaper containing the account of
Keogh's arrest, with a translation of the article in
French for Carnot, which I got Sullivan to make.
Clarke was just going off to the Directory, so I
had hardly time to speak a word to him. I wished
to speak to Carnot myself, and I could see Clarke
was not at all desirous that I should have an oppor-
tunity. Damn such pitiful, jealous vanity ! Every
man here must do everything himself. I have
found this unworthy sentiment in every one of
them, except Carnot. First, the Minister is dis-
obliged, because I go to Carnot ; then Madgett
would be huffed, if he dared, because I go to Clarke ;
and now Clarke truly wants to thrust himself
between me and his principal. Please God, he
shall not, though ! If I want to see Carnot, I will
see him, or I will be refused.

April 10th. Aherne called on me this morning,
and I gave him a list of the persons he is to see, viz.,
Gog, Magog, P. P., C. Teeling, R. S[imms], and
S. Neilson, Oliver Bond, W. J. MacNeven, with
a query as to J. P. and T. A. Emmet.
138

1796] THE BLANKS ACCUMULATE

April 12th. Blank ! How my life stagnates just
now ! Well, " 'tis but in vain"

April i6th-i7th. Blank ! Blank ! Damn it !

April iSth. Called on Clarke, who is very re-
served of late. Let him !

April 19th. Blank !

139

XI

"A DOG'S LIFE"

April 20th. This being the first Floreal, I left the
Hotel des Strangers, where I have been fleeced
like ten thousand devils, and removed to the house
where Aherne lodges, where I hope I shall live
cheaper and more comfortable. Went with
Aherne, at one o'clock, to the Minister's, in order
to see after his instructions. At last there is a pros-
pect of something like business. The Minister
read the draft of the instructions, in which there is
a great deal of trash mixed with some good sense.
Only think of one of the articles, wherein they say
that if Ireland continues devoted to the House of
Stuart, one of that family can be found who will be
agreeable to all parties ! Who the devil is this
Pretender in petto ? It is all one to us, however,
for we will have nothing to do with him. I made
one or two observations on the instructions to the
Minister ; he acted very fairly, for he gave them
to me, and desired me to make what observations
struck me ; and as to Aherne, he said that he must
only be guided by such of them as might apply to
140

i 7 9<5] CLARKE IS ANNOYING

the state of things he found there, and disregard
those that did not ; all which is candid. I see the
instructions are written by Clarke, for I find in
them his trash about monarchy, the noblesse, and
the clergy. There is one thing, however, which
reconciles me to all this absurdity, which is, that
the French Government promise us 10,000 men
and 20,000 stand of arms ; with that force I have
not the shadow of doubt of our success. It is to be
escorted by nine sail of the line (Dutch, I believe),
and three frigates, and will be ready about the
middle or towards the end of May, which is not
more than six weeks off. If this be so — but let me
not be sanguine. Went to Madgett to communicate
this good news, and fixed to dine together, Aherne,
he, and I, in the Champs Elysees. Dined accord-
ingly ; drank rather enough. Walked out and
saw the French soldiery dancing in groups, under
the trees, with their wives and mistresses. Judge
in the humour I was in, with near two bottles of
Burgundy in my head, whether I did not enjoy the
spectacle. How often did I wish for my dearest
love ! Returned to the Restaurateur, and indeed
drank off another bottle, which made three, and
returned home in a state of considerable elevation,
having several delightful visions before my eyes.
Well, "Wine does wonders, does wonders every day."
Bed, slept like a top.

April 21st. Walked about Paris, diverting myself
innocently. " J *gin to be aweary of the Sun" I wish
141

"A DOG'S LIFE" [1796

I could see once more the green sod of Ireland ;
yet Paris is delightful ; but then " home is home."
Well, who knows ? I may be there yet.

April 22nd. Went to Clarke to apprise him of
my having changed my lodgings ; asked him had
he any news for me. He answered not. I replied
that hitherto he had not found me very pressing
for information ; but that, nevertheless, I expected
that when the time came, I should be properly
apprised of everything. He replied, " Certainly."
I also said, that as to my own affairs, which I had
scarcely mentioned, I hoped and expected that
the request which I had suggested once already to
him, of being employed in the expedition as an
officer in the French service, would not be refused.
He answered that I might depend upon that. I
then mentioned the old subject of the necessity of
losing no time. To which he replied, with an air
of great significance, that, if the affair was under-
taken, it would be within two years at any rate.
He is a puppy, that is the truth of it. This good-
humoured irony I dare say he thought extremely
diplomatic, but I can assure him he acts the states-
man very poorly. He is much fitter to figure away
at Ranelagh than in a bureau diplomatique, for he is
a handsome lad. I then mentioned Pichegru to
him, observing that any old woman would make
an ambassador for Sweden, where they are sending
him, whereas our expedition required a man of
great talents and military reputation.
142

1796] A NEW MEMORIAL

April 23rd. Blank ! These blanks are very thick
sown latterly on my journals, but that is not my
fault.

April 2$th. Went with Aherne to the Minister's
and gave him my observations, which he read and
liked very well. He tells me Aherne will be dis-
patched in a few days, and that he has every reason
to think the expedition will be ready by the latter
end of May. I begin to speak French like a nabob.
I astonished the Minister to-day with the volubility
of my diction. On leaving De la Croix, who,
by-the-bye, has had a narrow chance of being
turned out, but is now, I fancy, pretty safe, I met
Sullivan, who gave me an English paper, with the
quarters of the army in Ireland for this year ; I was
very glad to get it. I see but nine regiments of
dragoons, and two of troops of the line, the rest
all fencibles or militia ; there is to be a camp of
about 2,500 men in the north, and 2,000 near
Dublin, which with the garrison will make about
6,500 men. The whole force is about 30,000 men,
as I guessed, but I am sure not above 20,000
effective. I have not the least doubt of success
if we can land with 10,000 French.

April 26th. Wrote a short memorial on the force
and disposition of the army in Ireland, as it appears
in the English papers, and gave it to Sullivan to
translate. I think it is very prettily done, which is
not the case with all my productions. I will give
it to the Minister to-morrow. Went in the evening
143

"A DOG'S LIFE" [1796

to the theatre ; Montansier, Mdlle. Ferlon a good
actress and pretty.

April 28th, 29th. Blank ! Blank ! Is not this
cruel ? But what can I do ? I have not lost one
minute by my negligence since my arrival in Paris ;
well, that is some comfort, however.

April 30th. Called on Clarke again ; he is a sad
puppy, and I am fairly tired of him. Our dialogue
is always the same. " Well, General Clarke, I have
called to know if you have anything to tell me."
" Not a word." " Well, I hope when there is
anything going forward, you will let me know."
Two or three words of commonplace discourse
follow, and so I take my leave as ignorant as a horse.
I confess I cannot fathom General Clarke's policy
in keeping me so totally in the dark.

May 1st Blank ! Thinking of an interview
with Carnot ; I declare I am literally tired of my
life.

May 2nd. Went to the Luxembourg ; saw
Rewbell giving audience in his costume ; wrote
a note desiring to see Carnot, and was admitted ;
he recollected me perfectly. I began by saying,
fluently enough, that, in pursuance of his orders,
I had been several times with General Clarke, and
had given him all the information I was possessed
of, as well verbally as by memorials and other
papers. He said he knew I had. I then observed
that considering General Clarke in an official
situation, I had avoided pressing him to give me
144

I79<5] WITH CARNOT AGAIN

any information in return ; but that, at present,
when I learned directly from the Minister, and
indirectly from many other quarters, that prepara-
tions were in a considerable degree of forwardness
for the expedition, I hoped, when he considered
the efforts I had made, the risks I had run, the
dangers I had escaped in endeavouring to lay the
state of Ireland before the French Government,
as well as the situation I had once the honour to
fill in my own country, that he would not consider
me as unreasonably importunate in requesting him
to give me such information as he might deem
proper, as to the state of the expedition, supposing
it were to take place. He replied, my request was
not at all unreasonable, but that, before measures
were fully determined upon, it would be necessary
that the French Government should be satisfied
as to the actual state of things in Ireland ; and for
that purpose a person should be sent to observe
everything, and make his report accordingly ; for,
if the people there were amicable to the French
Republic, the attempt might be made, but if not,
it would require a considerable force to conquer
the country. This was a staggering blow to me,
to find myself no farther advanced at the end of
three months than I was at my first audience.
Just at this moment General Clarke entered, and I
cannot say that he seemed highly delighted at the
rencontre. So ! "I have got much by my intended

expostulation" as Sir Peter Teazle says. That is
(M09) I4J I2

" A DOG'S LIFE" [1796

hard ; I fear all my exertions and sacrifices and
hopes will come to nothing at last. Well, if it
should be so, I hope I shall be able to bear it, but
it is cruel. I begin now to think of my family
and cottage again. I fancy it will be my lot at
last to bury them and myself in the backwoods of
America. My poor little boys, I had almost begun
to entertain hopes of being able to rescue them from
that obscurity and above all things to place my
wife and our dear Maria in a situation more worthy
of them ; but, if I cannot, I must submit ; it is at
least no fault of mine ; I think I have left nothing
on my part undone, or untried, or unhazarded.
If I have to go back to the woods, I must see and
inveigle P. P. out with me, otherwise I shall be in
great solitude.

May 12th. Finished my memorial and gave it
to Clarke — I should say my proclamation. It is
too long, but let Carnot cut it down as he pleases.
Went to the Minister for permission to stay in
Paris, malgre la loi. The Minister occupied ; so
I wrote him a short note, in very pretty French,
which I left for him. In the evening the spectacle
as usual. The French comedians are infinitely
beyond the English. Even in the little theatres
on the Boulevards they perform admirably, and
there is an attention to the costume never seen in
England. All the theatres, too, are pretty, and
some magnificent. The opera, however, continues
to stand first in my opinion. It is a charming
146

1796] TRIFLES TO FEND OFF DESPAIR

spectacle, and I never go there without wishing
for my dearest love. But matters are so uncertain
here, that I labour to prevent myself wishing for
anything. I am a dog — I am a dog, and I lead
a dog's life here, dancing attendance perpetually,
and in a constant suspense. I have, I know not
why, foregone my usual amusements. Sad ! sad !
" Man delights not me, nor woman neither." What
shall I do ? the novelty of Paris is worn off,
my anxiety about our affairs increases, and I get
no satisfactory information. The devil puts it
into my head sometimes that I am like Hannibal
at the court of Prusias, supplicating his aid to enable
Carthage to make war upon the Romans. There
is a sort of analogy in the circumstances, excepting
that I am not a Hannibal, nor General Clarke
Prusias. Well, politics are fine things, mais cest
quand on en est revenu. I declare I wish our revolu-
tion was effected, and that I was set down once
more quietly in the bosom of my family, and that
is not very strange, for I dote upon them, and I
am here like a fish out of water, and everything
frets me. Yet I admire the French, of all things ;
the men are agreeable and the women enchanting,
and, if my mind were at ease, as it is not, I could
make it out here very well, for some time longer,
but as it is — well, I can't help myself, and so what
signifies complaining ! Let me write nonsense,
and I cannot write good nonsense when I am not
in spirits, and I am never in spirits now. The
147

" A DOG'S LIFE " [1796

French women are before the English, far and wide.
They are incomparably well made, almost without
exception. The English women have handsome
faces, but for figure and fashion they do not
approach the French ; and then they walk so
incomparably, and their language is so adapted to
conversation, that they all appear to have wit.
For their morality, it is, to be sure, " a nice morality,
split my wind-pipe." Paris, in that respect, beats
London hollow, and that is a bold word, after what
I have seen in London. Well, give me Ireland, after
all, for women to make wives and mothers of.
For " casual fruition" go to London, or, indeed,
rather to Paris, but if you wish to be happy, choose
your companion at home. The more I see of this
wide world, the more I prize the inestimable
blessing I possess in my wife's affection, her virtues,
her courage, her goodness of heart, her sweetness
of temper, and besides, she is very pretty, a circum-
stance which does not lessen her value in my eyes.
What is she doing just now, and what would I
give to be with her and the little fanfans for half
an hour ?

May 21 st. This morning, on sallying out, the
first thing I saw was an affiche of a vessel to sail in
ten days for New York. This knocked me in the
head for the whole day. I have been planning
a thousand schemes. To-morrow I will see
Madgett, in order to take his opinion on one or
two points. If I can do it with safety to my wife,
148

1796] HOME SICK

and our dear, dear babies, I think I will settle in
France.

May 23 r</, 24th, 2$th, 26th. After balancing for
four or five days, and turning the matter every way
in my thoughts, I have taken my resolution, and
written this day to my dearest love, to Rowan,
and Doctor Reynolds, acquainting them with my
determination to settle in France, and desiring
them to make preparations for the departure of
my family with all possible haste. It is a bold
measure, but " Audaces fortuna juvat." If my
negotiation here succeeds, it would be best they
should be in France ; if it fails, still I am satisfied
it is more advisable for us to settle here than in
America. At all events, the die is cast. It is an
epoch in my life. I have decided to the best of my
judgment, and, if I fail, I fail. I am weary of
floating about at the mercy of events ; let me fix
myself, if possible, at last.

May 28th, 29th. Went to the Fete des Victoires,
which was celebrated to-day in the Champ de Mars.
The Directory, the Ministers, the Corps Diplo-
matique, etc., all assisted, in grand costume.
Incense was burning before the statue of Liberty,
and the usual civic hymns were chanted, with two
or three new ones, composed for the occasion,
and alluding to the success of the army of Italy.
It was a superb spectacle, and the spirit of the people
seemed much better than I expected, under all the
circumstances of the case. Altogether, I was
149

" A DOG'S LIFE " [1796

exceedingly pleased with the exhibition, and the
tears were running down my cheeks when Carnot
presented the wreaths and standards to the soldiers.
It was a spectacle worthy of a grand Republic,
and I enjoyed it with transport. Vive la Republique !

June 6th. Called this morning by appointment
upon General Clarke. Found him more cordial
in his manner than ordinary. He told me he had
read my proclamation, and found it extremely well
done ; that, however, it would be necessary to
curtail it considerably, for the first point in these
compositions is to ensure their being read, and, for
that, it is necessary they should be short ; that
there would be a longer one prepared for those who
studied politics, but that mine was destined for the
people and soldiery. I thought there was good
sense in all this, and I can safely say that, in all the
public papers I have ever written, I am above the
personal vanity of an author, as I believe Gog can
witness. I therefore told him I would mince it
sans remords.

June gth. At work cutting and slashing my pro-
clamation. I will bring it to something at last.
I am just like Jack, in the " Tale of a Tub," altering
his coat.

June 10th. Madgett tells me an odd piece of news.
One of the clerks in the bureaux assures him that
the landing of the French in Ireland has been
effected, and that he has it from a member of the
legislative body, who has it directly from one of
150

1796] A CANARD

the Directory. If it be so, it is most extraordinary
that neither Madgett nor I were favoured with the
smallest information on the subject. Madgett has
been with the Minister to inquire. The Minister
said he did not believe it, and that the news must
be premature.

June nth. Called on Clarke, whom I met
running to his bureau, in a violent hurry to General
Lacuee, who was waiting for him. I had just time
to give him the paper, and he did not say one word
about the landing, so I presume the story is, as the
Minister says, premature. Evening. Madgett
with me again. The report seems to grow more
serious. It stands now as follows : Grandjean,
Chef de Bureau in the foreign affairs, told him this
day that the French were landed in Ireland to the
number of 15,000 men ; that they had been per-
fectly well received by the people, who were
flocking about them in thousands, when the
dispatches were sent off; that he had this from
Beffroy, a member of the Cinq-cent, who had it
directly from one of the Directory. All this is very
circumstantial and precise, and, I confess, staggers
me extremely.

June 12th. Drank punch last night with Madgett.
He is come off his confidence a little, as to the
landing. " Goodman Verges speaks a little off the
matter ; an old man, and his wits are not so blunt as,
Heaven help, I could desire they were." He does
bore me sometimes most confoundedly. More-
151

" A DOG'S LIFE" [1796

over, I think I see by his discourse that he has his
eye on the ambassadorship of Ireland, that is to be.

June 13th, 14th. Called on Clarke this morning,
for want of other idleness. Saw him for two
minutes, mentioned Madgett's report of the land-
ing, adding that I did not believe it. He assured me
it was utterly unfounded. So there is an end of
that business. I fixed to call on him the 1st Messidor,
in four or five days, and so we parted. Clarke was
civil enough. I want to consult him as to what I
am to do concerning trade affairs. My finances
are reduced to a state truly deplorable. I am worth
to-day about thirteen louis d'ors, which will not
last me more than a month, and I must not let
myself be run to the last sol.

June 20th. To-day is my birthday — I am thirty-
three years old. At that age Alexander had con-
quered the world ; at that age Wolfe had com-
pleted his reputation, and expired in the arms of
victory. Well, it is not my fault if I am not as great
a man as Alexander or Wolfe. I have as good dis-
positions for glory as either of them, but I labour
under two small obstacles at least — want of talents
and want of opportunities ; neither of which, I
confess, I can help. Allons ! nous verrons. If I
succeed here I may make some noise in the world
yet ; and, what is better, the cause to which I am
devoted is so just, that I have not one circumstance
to reproach myself with. I will endeavour to keep
myself as pure as I can, as to the means ; as to the
152

1796] PERSONAL AFFAIRS

end, it is sacred — the liberty and independence of
my country first, the establishment of my wife, and
of our darling babies, next ; and last, I hope, a well-
earned reputation. I am sure I am doing my very
best here, as, indeed, I have endeavoured to do all
along. " I am not idle, but the ebbs and flows of for-
tune's tide cannot be calculated."

June 21st. I walk almost every day to the
Tuileries to see the guard relieved. Their grenadiers
are noble fellows, and, luckily, Jourdan has twenty-
two thousand of them in one corps on the Rhine.
They are fond of ornamenting themselves, particu-
larly with flowers. One scarce sees a sentinel with-
out a little bouquet in his hat or breast, and most
frequently in the barrel of his firelock. I like that,
and I do not know why, but it pleases me.

June 23 /y/. Called on Clarke in the morning,
and found him in high good humour. He tells
me that he has mentioned my business to Carnot,
and that within a month I may expect an appoint-
ment in the French army. This is glorious ! I
told Clarke I had written for my family, and was
determined at all events to settle in France.

June 24th. " I've now not fifty ducats in the
world ; " but, hang it, that does not signify ; am
I not going to be an officer in the French service ?
I believe I might have been a little more economical,
but I am sure not much. I brought with me one
hundred louis to France, and they will have lasted
me just six months, by the time they are run out ;
153

"A DOG'S LIFE" [1796

after all, that is no great extravagance. Besides,
" a fool and his money are soon parted" and poor Pat
was never much noted for his discretion on that
point, and I am in some things as arrant an Irishman
as ever stood on the Pont-neuf.

June 26th. I go regularly every day to the
Tuileries at twelve o'clock to see the guard re-
lieved : it is one of my greatest relaxations. I take
pride in the French troops, though they are neither
powdered nor varnished, like those of the other
states of Europe. I frequently find the tears gush
into my eyes whilst I am looking at them. It is
impossible to conceive a body of finer fellows than
the guards of the legislative body, who are, by-the-
bye, perfectly well dressed and appointed in all
respects. They are all handsome young men, six
feet high, and well proportioned. They have, as
I believe I remarked already, the air of officers
in soldiers' coats, and look as if they were set up
by the dancing master rather than the drill
sergeant. As to the courage of the French soldiery,
I believe it is now pretty well understood in Europe ;
nevertheless " one Englishman is always able to beat
Jive Frenchmen" which is very consoling to John
Bull. I wonder what figure poor Pat will cut upon
the sod. I fancy he will not be much amiss. Well,
let me once see myself in Ireland, buckled to a long
sabre, and with a green coat on my back, and a pair
of swinging epaulets on my shoulders, " Alors
nous verron, Messieurs de la Cabale." The Whig
154

X79<*] DUCKETT GABBLING

Club, I see, are taking up the condition of the
labouring poor. They are getting frightened, and
their guilty consciences will not let them sleep.
I suppose they will act like the gentry of Meath,
who, for fear of the Defenders, raised their work-
men's wages from eightpence to a shilling per day,
but took care at the same time to raise the rent of
their hovels, and the grass for their cows in the
same proportion, so that at the end of the year the
wretched peasant was not a penny the richer. Such
is the honesty of the Squirearchy of Ireland.

June 2jth. A sad rainy day, and I am not well,
and the blue devils torment me. Hell ! hell !
Allah! Allah! Allah!

June 29th. Madgett tells me to-day that he has
heard from Duckett, who is, I understand, a great
blackguard, who has heard from a Mr. Morin,
who is I know not what, that there are to be two
expeditions to Ireland, one from Flushing, com-
manded by General Macdonald, an Irishman, and
the other from Brest, commanded by General
Hoche. Madgett added that he had endeavoured
to put Duckett off the scent by saying that he did
not believe one word of the story, but that Duckett
continued positive. The fact is, it seems likely
enough to be the truth, and probably is so ; but
it seems most terribly provoking to have the
subject bandied about, for table-talk by such a
fellow as this Duckett, to whom, by-the-bye,
Charles De la Croix revealed in confidence all
155

" A DOG'S LIFE " [1796

that he knew three months ago, for which he ought
to be damned ; happily at present he knows
nothing as I believe, so I presume he will keep the
secret.

July 3rd. I see to-day that the Channel fleet is
preparing at Spithead, to the number of twenty-
one sail of the line (damn and sink them !) with
God knows how many admirals ; that the camps
are not yet formed in Ireland, but that vast quan-
tities of arms and ammunition, are daily imported
into that country, as also tents and camp equipage.
I am glad of that, because I hope it will appear
in the event that it is for us that the worthy John
Bull is putting himself to all this expense and
trouble. I see likewise that the British have taken
three of our best frigates, being the entire of a
flying squadron, sent to cruise in the chops of the
Channel ; that is damned bad. But then again
the French are defending themselves in St. Lucie
like devils incarnate ; that is good. There are also
news to-day of another victory on the Rhine by
Moreau, " but this gentleman will tell you the per-
pendiculars" which are not yet published ; I hope
it is true. Vive la Republique !

Evening, 5 o'clock. It was not for nothing that
I have been in the horrors all the forenoon. On
the 26th of May I wrote to my wife, to Rowan,
and Dr. Reynolds, respecting the immediate
removal of my family to France ; and to-day I
see in an English paper given me by Sullivan, that
156

1796] A FURTHER DISAPPOINTMENT

the vessel which carried my letter, an American,
the Argus, Capt. Fanning, was carried into Ply-
mouth on the 25th of June last and is detained.
That is pleasant ! This event throws my private
affairs into unspeakable confusion, and I am too
angry just now to see how to rectify them. I was
this very morning counting that my dearest love
would have my letter in about a fortnight. Was
there ever anything so distressing ? These are the
fruits of the American treaty,* but it is hard my
poor little family should suffer for it.

July \th. I want to change my domicile. I am
lodged in the house of a little " bossue " (Anglice,
a hunchback), and she wants me to go to bed to
her, and I won't, for my virtue forbids it, and so
she is out of humour and very troublesome some-
times. To tell the God's truth, I have no great
merit in my resistance, for she is as crooked as
a ram's horn (which is a famous illustration) and
as ugly as sin besides ; rot her, the dirty little
faggot, she torments me. " I will not march through
Coventry with her, thai' 's flat."

July 6th. Saw Clarke this morning ; he is almost
recovered, and tells me my business is delayed

* Tone must be referring to what is known as Jay's Treaty
of 1794-95, arising out of British spoliation of American neutral
shipping during the French war. To avert a further war with
England, Alexander Hamilton persuaded Washington to con-
clude a compromise with the British, which did not definitely
protect American ships, but arranged for courts of arbitration
subsequent to the capture of American vessels.

157

" A DOG'S LIFE " [1796

solely by the absence of General Hoche, who is
coming up with all privacy to Paris to confer with
the Directory ; that on his arrival everything will
be settled ; that I must be introduced to him, and
communicate with him, and most probably return
with him to the army where my presence would be
necessary. I then took occasion to mention the
state of my finances, that in two or three days I
should be run out, and relied upon him to prevent
my falling into difficulties. He asked me could I
carry on the war some little time longer ? I
answered, I could not, for that I did not know a
soul in Paris but the Government. He seemed a
little taken aback at this, by which I see that money
is not their forte at present. Damn it for me !
I am sure I wish there was not a guinea in the world.
So here I am, with exactly two louis in my ex-
chequer, negotiating with the French Government,
and planning revolutions. I must say it is truly
original " Crescit amor nummi, quantum ipsa pecunia
crescit" That is not true as to me, for my passion
increases as my funds diminish. I reckon I am the
poorest Ambassador to-day in Paris, but that gives
me no great concern. Huzza ! Vive la Re-
puhlique !

July jth. In order to divert myself, and get rid of
a little of my superfluous cash, I went last night to
the opera, where, by-the-bye, I go most frequently.
I think I will go now and scold Monroe about the
capture of the Argus, and miscarriage of my letters.
158

1796] BUT STILL GAY

Sat with Monroe above an hour, and like him very
much. Drank a bottle of wine and prosed with
Madgett in the evening at the Champs Elysees.
Stupid enough, God knows.

July gth. By dint of perseverance I am getting
through the remainder of my cash. When I am
near being run out, I am always more extravagant ;
and, like the " Old Batchelor," run into the danger
to avoid the apprehension.

(Sings) Oh says this Frog, I will go ride, Kitty

alone, etc.
Oh says this Frog, I will go ride, Kitty alone

and I.
Oh says this Frog, I will go ride, with

sword and pistol by my side,
Cock ma Kary, Kitty alone, Kitty alone

and I.

That quotation I take to be inimitable ; I do not
recollect anything from P. P. which exceeds it.
I know green envy will gnaw his soul at the
perusal.

159

XII

HOCHE. THE GREAT ADVENTURE
BEGINS

July 12th. Battle of Aughrim. As I was sitting in
my cabinet studying my tactics, a person knocked
at the door, who, on opening it proved to be a
dragoon of the third regiment. He brought me
a note from Clarke, informing me that the person
he mentioned was arrived and desired to see me at
one o'clock. I ran off direcdy to the Luxembourg
and was shown into Fleury's cabinet, where I
remained till three, when the door opened and a
very handsome, well-made young fellow in a brown
coat and nankeen pantaloons, entered, and said,
" Vous etes le citoyen Smith ? " I thought he was
a chef de bureau, and replied, " Oui, citoyen, je
mappelle Smith." He said, " Vous vous appelez,
aussi, je crois Wolfe Tone ? " I replied, " Oui
citoyen, cest mon veritable nom." " Eh bien," replied
he, "je suis le General Hoche" At these words I
mentioned that I had for a long time been desirous
of the honour I then enjoyed, to find myself in his
company. " Into his arms I soon did fly, and there
1 60

I79<S] SIGNS OF PROGRESS

embraced him tenderly." He then said he presumed
I was the author of the memorandums which had
been transmitted to him. I said I was. " Well,"
said he, " there are one or two points I want to
consult you on." General Clarke entered, to
request we would come to dinner with Citizen
Carnot. We accordingly adjourned the conversa-
tion to the apartment of the President, where we
found Carnot and one or two more. Hoche,
after some time, proceeded to ask me, in case
of the landing being effectuated, might he rely
on finding provisions, and particularly bread ?
When he mentioned his anxiety as to bread, Carnot
laughed, and said, " There is plenty of beef in
Ireland ; if you cannot get bread, you must eat
beef." I told him I hoped they would find enough
of both ; adding, that within the last twenty years
Ireland had become a great corn country, so that
at present it made a considerable article in her
exports. They then proceeded to confer, but I
found it difficult to follow them, as it was in fact
a suite of former conversations at which I had not
assisted, and besides, they spoke with the rapidity
of Frenchmen. I collected, however, if I am right,
that there will be two landings, one from Holland,
near Belfast, and the other from Brittany, in Con-
naught ; that there will be, I suppose, in both
embarkations, not less than ten, nor more than
fifteen thousand men ; twelve thousand was also

mentioned, but I did not hear any time specified.
(4,409) l6l I3

THE GREAT ADVENTURE BEGINS [1796

Carnot said, " It will be, to be sure, a most brilliant
operation." And well may he say so if he succeeds.
We then went to dinner, which was very well
served, without being luxurious. We had two
courses and a dessert. There were present about
sixteen or eighteen persons, Madame Carnot, her
sister and sister-in-law, Carnot, his brother, Hoche,
Truguet, the Minister of Marine, Clarke, two or
three officers, and Lagarde, the Secretaire General*
I sat by Hoche. After coffee was served we rose,
and Carnot, Hoche, Truguet, Lacuee, and Clarke
retired to a cabinet and held a council on Irish
affairs which lasted from six to nine o'clock. I like
Carnot extremely, and Hoche, I think, yet better.

July 13th. I cannot help this morning thinking
of Gil Bias, when he was Secretary to the Duke
of Lerma. Yesterday I dined with Carnot, and
to-day I should be puzzled to raise a guinea. I am
almost on my last louis, and my commission is not
yet made out, though Clarke tells me it is done ;
but I will never believe him till I have it in my
hand.

July i$th. Blank ! Dull as a post all day.

July 16th. Saw Clarke. Called on Madgett on

*Tone here meets another lion — Laurent Jean Francois
Truguet (1 752-1 839) — one of the doyens of the French navy.
Already famous in '89, he was called to the Ministry of Marine
by Barras, suffered a little as a result of Hoche's failure to invade
Ireland, went to Spain as ambassador, was arrested, exiled as a
suspect royalist, returned, refused to recognize Napoleon as
emperor, was again disgraced, but survived to be made a peer
at the Restoration.

162

i 7 9<5] IRISH KING ?

my way home to desire him to find me two louis
d'or in two days at furthest, for I am just now run
out, and I shall have my lodgings to pay for in
three days from this, which is most fearful, for I
dread my little bossue of a landlady more than the
enemy a thousand times ; but Madgett has promised
to supply me, and so —

" Hang those who talk of fear ;
Our castle's strength will laugh a siege to scorn."

I forgot to mention in its place that Hoche has a
famous cut of a sabre down his forehead, eyebrow,
and one side of his nose. He was pretty near the
enemy when he got that, and luckily it does not at
all disfigure him. He is but two-and-thirty,
Jourdan five-and-thirty, Buonaparte twenty-nine,
Moreau * about thirty, and Pichegru, who is the
oldest of all, about six-and-thirty. The French
have no old generals in service ; it is their policy to
employ young men, and the event has shown they
are right.

July iSth. Rose early this morning and wrote a
threatening letter to citizen Carnot, telling him

" if he did not put five pounds in a sartin place ! ! "

It is written in French, and I have a copy. God
forgive me for calling it French, for I believe,

*Jean Victor Moreau (1761-1813), one of the ablest and
most disinterested of the Republican generals ; ultimately
banished by Napoleon to America, he returned to die fighting
against France with the armies of Russia and Prussia in 18 13.
163

THE GREAT ADVENTURE BEGINS [1796

properly speaking, it is no language ; however,
he will understand that money is the drift of it, and
that is the main point. Called at twelve on Clarke.
At last he has got my brevet from the Minister at
War. It is for the rank of Chef de Brigade, and
bears date the 1st Messidor Qune 19th). Clarke
then went on to say they had no security for what
form of government we might adopt in case of
success. I replied, I had no security to offer but
my decided opinion that we would establish a
Republic. He objected that we might establish an
aristocratic Republic, like that of Genoa. I assured
him the aristocracy of Ireland were not such
favourites with the people that we should spill our
blood to establish their power. He then said,
" Perhaps, after all, we might choose a King ;
that there was no security against that but informa-
tion, and that the people of Ireland were in general
very ignorant. ' ' I asked him, in God's name, whom
would we choose, or where would we go look for
a King ? He said, " Maybe the Duke of York ? "
I assured him that he, or his aide-de-camp, Fleury,
who was present, had full as good, and indeed
a much better chance, than his Royal Highness ;
and I added, that we neither loved the English
people in general, nor his Majesty's family in
particular, so well as to choose one of them for our
King, supposing, what was not the case, that the
superstition of royalty yet hung about us. As to
the ignorance of our peasantry, I admitted it was in
164

1796] A SURFEIT OF ROYALTY

general too true, thanks to our execrable Govern-
ment, whose policy it was to keep them in a state
of barbarism ; but I could answer for the informa-
tion of the Dissenters, who were thoroughly
enlightened and sincere republicans, and who, I
had no doubt, would direct the public sentiment
in framing a government. He then asked, was
there nobody among ourselves that had any chance,
supposing the tide should set in favour of mon-
archy ? I replied, " Not one." He asked, " Would
the Duke of Leinster, for example ? " I replied,
" No ; that everybody loved and liked the Duke,
because he was a good man, and always resided
and spent his fortune in Ireland, but that he by no
means possessed that kind of character or talents
which might elevate him to that station.' ' He
then asked me again, " Could I think of nobody ? "

I replied, "I could not; that Lord Moira*was the
only person I could recollect who might have had
the least chance, but that he had blown his reputa-
tion to pieces by accepting a command against
France ; and, after him, there was nobody."

II Well," said Clarke, " maybe, after all, you will
choose one of your own leaders ; who knows

* Lord Moira, later Governor-General of India and Marquis
of Hastings. Yet (see March 4, 1798) Tone has never as many
pleasant things to say of Moira as he has of the Duke of Leinster.
At one point he actually felt that the duke would join the
people if it came to a revolution ; at another, spoke of him as
" my friend " ; and always thinks of him as the friend of the
Catholics.

165

THE GREAT ADVENTURE BEGINS [1796

but it may be yourself ? " I replied, we had no
leaders of a rank or description likely to arrive at
that degree of eminence ; and, as to myself, I
neither had the desire nor the talents to aspire so
high. Well, that is enough of royalty for the
present. We then, for the hundredth time, beat
over the old ground about the priests, without,
however, starting any fresh ideas ; and I summed
up all by telling him that, as to religion, my belief
was we should content ourselves with pulling down
the Establishment without setting up any other ;
that we would have no State religion, but let every
sect pay their own clergy voluntarily ; and that,
as to royalty and aristocracy, they were both odious
in Ireland to that degree, that I apprehended much
more a general massacre of the gentry, and a dis-
tribution of the entire of their property, than the
establishment of any form of government that
would perpetuate their influence ; that I hoped this
massacre would not happen, and that I, for one,
would do all that lay in my power to prevent it,
because I did not like to spill the blood, even of the
guilty ; at the same time, that the pride, cruelty,
and oppression of the Irish aristocracy were so
great, that I apprehended every excess from the
just resentment of the people. The conversation
ended here.

July 22nd. Called at Clarke's on Fleury ; coming
out met General Hoche, who desired to see me to-
morrow morning, at seven o'clock, in order to
166

1796] "THIS LOOKS LIKE BUSINESS"

talk over our business, and settle about my leaving
Paris. That looks like business. Huzza ! huzza !
I am always huzzaing, like a blockhead.

July 23rd. Called on Hoche, at seven, and found
him in bed, talking with two generals, whom I did
not know. I made my acknowledgments, and
asked him, at the same time, whether my appear-
ance at headquarters might not give rise to some
suspicions, from the circumstance of my being a
foreigner ? He replied, he would settle me in a
village near Rennes, his headquarters, where I
should be incognito, and, at the same time, within
his reach. I returned him a thousand thanks ; and
he proceeded to ask me, " Did I think it was likely
that the men of property, or any of them, wished
for a revolution in Ireland ? " I replied, " Most
certainly not," and that he should reckon on all the
opposition that class could give him ; that, how-
ever, it was possible that when the business was
once commenced, some of them might join us on
speculation, but that it would be sorely against
their real sentiments. He then asked me, " Did
I know Arthur O'Connor* ? " I replied I did, and

* Arthur O'Connor (1763-1852), a Cork man, a member of
the Irish Parliament, where he delivered the remarkable speech
referred to in the May of 1795. (See Lecky, Ireland in the
Eighteenth Century, vol. hi. p. 341.) " You must be blind
not to perceive that the whole European mind has undergone
a revolution, neither confined to this nor that country, but as
general as the great causes which have given it birth, and still
continue to feed its growth." He joined the United Irishmen
the following year ; was arrested in '98, and kept in prison

167

THE GREAT ADVENTURE BEGINS [1796

that I entertained the highest opinion of his talents,
principles, and patriotism. He asked me, " Did he
not some time ago make an explosion in the Irish
Parliament f M I replied, he made the ablest and
honestest speech, to my mind, that ever was made
in that House. " Well," said he, " will he join us ? "
I answered, I hoped as he was " foncihement Irian-
dais" that he undoubtedly would. So it seems
O'Connor's speech is well known here. If ever
I meet him, as I hope I may, I will tell him what
Hoche said, and the character that he bears in
France. It must be highly gratifying to his feelings.
We then spoke of the aristocracy of Ireland, and
I assured him, as I had done Clarke, that what
I apprehended was, not the aggrandizement, but
the massacre of that body, from the just indigna-
tion of the people, whom they have so long and
so cruelly oppressed, adding that it was what I
sincerely deprecated, but what I feared was too
likely to happen. He said, certainly the spilling
of blood was at all times to be avoided, as much
as possible ; that he did conceive, in such ex-
plosions as that which was likely to take place in
Ireland, it was not to be supposed but that some
individuals would be sacrificed, but the less the
better, and it was much wiser to secure the persons

for four years, after which he entered the French army, rose
to the rank of general, married the daughter of the mathe-
matician and journalist Condorcet, and after an old age of
retirement, died peaceably in exile.
168

1796] CONTRARY EMOTIONS

of those I mentioned, or to suffer them to emigrate
to England, as they would, no doubt, be ready to
do, than to put them to death ; in which I most
sincerely agreed, for I am like Parson Adams, "I
do not desire to have the blood even of the wicked upon
me" Hoche mentioned also that great mischief
had been done to the principles of liberty, and
additional difficulties thrown in the way of the
French Revolution by the quantity of blood
spilled ; " for," added he, " when you guillotine
a man, you get rid of an individual, it is true, but
then you make all his friends and connections
enemies for ever to the Government." A sentence
well worth considering. I am heartily glad to find
Hoche of this humane temperament, because I hope
I am humane myself, and trust we shall be able to
prevent unnecessary bloodshed in Ireland, which I
shall most sincerely exert my best endeavours to do.
July 2$th. Running about all this morning on
trade affairs. Damn it ! Saw Clarke ; he tells me
I am to travel with Hoche, and that we set off the
30th, in five days. Huzza ! To be sure I am not
proud of that. Called at Monroe's ; the Secretary
tells me there is a person arrived this week, who has
a letter for me. My heart is up in my mouth.
Please God I will run off the minute I swallow my
dinner. I am in a frenzy till I get my letter. I have
not had one line since I left New York, now six
months. How is my dearest life and soul, and our
darling little babies ? The little things ; my life
169

THE GREAT ADVENTURE BEGINS [1796

lies in those children. Well, I hope I shall hear
news of them to-night. Poor little Will, and my
Fantom, and my girl that I dote upon, and their
darling mother. Oh that I had my letter ! Oh
that I had my letter ! (Evening.) My lover gone
out ; left a note, that I would call to-morrow at
eleven, and desiring him to leave the letter for me
in case he should be obliged to go out before that
time. I know nothing that agitates me so much as
an incident of this kind. I am projecting all possible
kinds of accidents and misfortunes ; it is terrible ;
I will not torment myself any longer, that's flat.
I will go walk in the Champs Elysees to dissipate
my chagrin. Home ; early bed !

July 26th. Up at six, and called on Hoche at
seven ; he was gone out, so I had my walk for
nothing. " / hope my early rising will do me no
harm. 91 I want to settle with him about our
journey. Called at eleven on Colonel Fulton, and
got my letter, which is from Hamilton Rowan ;
it is dated March 30th, nearly four months since,
at which date all my family were well. He tells
me also that my brother Matthew arrived in
America in December last ; that gives me most
unspeakable satisfaction, as he will be a protection
for my wife and family during my absence, or in
case of the worst happening to me in this contest
wherein I am about to embark.

Heigho ! I shall soon bid "adieu to the village
delights." I know not how it is, I have spent five
170

1796] BURSTING WITH IMPATIENCE

dreary months in Paris without forming one con-
nection, male or female, that I care a farthing
about, or that cares a farthing about me, yet I find
myself low-spirited, now that I am about to quit
it ; that is curious enough, but I have often had
occasion to remark the same sentiment. I am as
dull to-night as a cat.

July 29th. Running about all the morning,
making arrangements for my departure.

July 30th. Called on General Hoche. He tells
me I am to travel with General Cherin, Chef de
T^tat-Major, and that we set off about the 12th
of next month. I had rather set off this morning.
He desired me to call on Cherin, and present myself
as the person of whom he had spoken, which I
did accordingly, but Cherin was gone out. Called
at the War Office, and got an order for three
months , pay. Dined with Madgett, and went
in the evening to the opera. Castor, a dull piece, and
very heavy music, by Rameau. I did not like it
at all.

July 31st. Received my pay, "and are all as drunk
as so many swabbers." I insist upon it that is a very-
good quotation, from Rigdum Funnidis. The
monotony of my life just now will appear from
the stupidity of those memorandums, and especially
from the dullness of my jokes. I cannot express
how much I long to be "en route"

August 1st. (Sings) " Oh, merry be the Jirst, and
merry be the last, and merry be the first of August."
171

THE GREAT ADVENTURE BEGINS [1796

August 2nd, 3rd. Blank. My time drags just now
most horribly.

August $tk Blank. Terrible ! Terrible ! I
feel myself absolutely sick at those delays. Dined
with Madgett and three other Irishmen in the
Champs Elysees. Stupid as a horse. Everybody
is talking of our business. I hear of it from fifty
different quarters. That is most terribly provoking.

August 6th. Blank. Damn it ! I am weary of
complaining that I am weary. I will not make
another memorandum until something happens —
that's flat.

August jth, Sth. Saw Hoche and Cherin together
this morning. Both very civil, and no news.
Hoche, I believe, sets off the nth.

August nth, 12th, 13th. Saw Cherin this morn-
ing ; he tells me it may be ten days yet before
we get off. Hell ! hell ! hell ! How shall I get
over these eternal delays ? Hoche set off yesterday.

August 14th, i$th. Put on my regimentals for the
first time ; as pleased as a little boy in his first
breeches ; foolish enough, but not unpleasant.
Walked about Paris to show myself; huzza !
Citoyen Wolfe Tone, Chef de Brigade in the service
of the Republic !

August 21st, 22nd, 23rd. Met Cherin to-day
driving about in his cabriolet ; he stopped me,
and asked me was I ready to set off ? I answered,
" In five minutes, and that I only waited for his
orders." He then desired me to call on him to-
172

1796] LEAVES PARIS AT LAST

morrow at eleven, in order to settle about our
departure ; so perhaps we may set off before the
30th. The armies continue victorious in all
quarters.

August 24th. Saw Ch£rin ; our departure is
fixed for the first September. " The devil take
Henry of Lancaster ana thee I" " Patience is stale,
and I am weary of it."

August 26th to 31st. Blank, blank, blank, blank,
blank, blank.

September 1st. Blank.

September 2nd. Here I am yet.

September 12th. Called on Cheron by appoint-
ment ; he is gone to the country for two or three
days. Hell ! hell ! hell !

September 16th. Got my order and presented it
to the Directors of the post. There is a courier
for to-morrow, with whom I secured my place ;
packed up my kit as gay as a lark.

September ijth. Took leave of Madgett, Aherne,
and Sullivan ; wrote two letters of acknowledg-
ment to Carnot and De la Croix, thanking them for
their kindness, etc. At three o'clock in the after-
noon left Paris. I have now done with Paris, at
least for some time, and God knows whether I shall
ever revisit it ; but, at all events, I shall ever look
back on the time I spent there with the greatest
satisfaction. I believe there is no part of my con-
duct that I need wish to recall, at least with regard
to business. As to pleasure or amusement, I had
173

THE GREAT ADVENTURE BEGINS [1796

very little. I formed, and endeavoured to form,
no connections. I visited and was visited by
nobody, French or foreigner, and left Paris, after
seven months' residence, without being acquainted
with a single family. That is singular enough.
The theatres formed my grand resource against
the monotony of my situation ; but, on the whole,
I passed my time dull enough. Well, if ever I
return, I will make myself amends. I am now like
the Turkish spy, " who passed forty-Jive years at
Paris without being known or suspected" I dare say
Mr. Pitt knew I was there, as close as I kept ; if he
did, it was by no fault or indiscretion of mine. It
is singular enough that, having passed my time in
a manner so monotonous, and not leaving behind
me a single person whom, on the score of personal
regard, I had reason to regret, I yet quit Paris with
something like reluctance. But I made that remark
before. Allons ! I am now afloat again : let us see
what will come of this voyage.

174

XIII

PREPARING FOR THE VOYAGE
TO IRELAND

September 20th. At three this morning arrived at
Rennes, having passed three nights agreeably with-
out sleep. " A hundred and twenty miles in thirty-
four hours is pretty smart riding, but nothing to the
fatigue of recruiting ." I do not think that quotation
any great things myself, but let it pass. " Well,
now I am in Arden ; the more fool I ; when I was at
home I was in a better place." Went to bed, and slept
like a dragon till eleven. Rose and sent for my
adjoint, Mac Sheehy, who has been here some days.
He tells me all is going on, as he believes, prosper-
ously. General Hoche is gone out fishing, and does
not return till night. I am glad Hoche is a fisher-
man, because I am one myself. Wrote a note to
let him know I am arrived, and gave it to Mac
Sheehy to deliver. Dined alone, deliciously, and
drank a bottle of excellent claret, with clivers
patriotic and constitutional toasts.

September 21st. Called on General Hoche, and
175

PREPARING FOR IRELAND [1796

sat with him for about a quarter of an hour ; very-
civil, but no news as yet. I am to be for some time
Mr. Smith, an American. Called on Colonel Shee,
uncle to General Clarke, who is here. He tells me
he was stopped on this side of Laval, at two o'clock
in the day, by seven Chouans, who robbed him of
every article of his property, except a box of papers
relating to our business, which he was bringing to
Hoche, and which escaped their search, as it were
by miracle. It was most fortunate ! This was
but a few days since ; so I have had a good escape.
I doubt if I should be able, single-handed, to conquer
seven Chouans, armed with firelocks, as he tells
me his lovers were. Dined at headquarters with
the staff, Hoche, H£douville, Mermet, etc. All very
slovenly and unsoldier-like, but nobody minds a
dirty plate or thing of that kind here. A la guerre,
comme a la guerre, as the French say.

September 24th. The season is slipping away fast
through our fingers. However, I believe they are
doing their best.

September 26th. The General set off this morning
for Brest. I hope in God he may hurry those
fellows. I dread the equinoctial gales passing over
and finding us unprepared.

September 2%th, 29th, 2,0th. Blank.

October 1st, 2nd. Blank ! Blank !

October 6th, 7th. I like old Colonel Shee more
and more ; his conversation is my sole resource
against the ennui which devours me. He was
176

1796] NEW FRIENDS

Secretary to the late Duke of Orleans,* for whose
memory he cherishes the sincerest regard. He has
amused me these two days with an infinity of
anecdotes relating to that unfortunate Prince, who,
I almost begin to believe, has been most grossly
calumniated by all parties in the Revolution. The
zeal and affection which Shee manifests for the
honour of a man who can no longer serve or preju-
dice him, is at least a strong proof of the goodness
of his own character. It is highly interesting to see
the earnestness and warmth with which he labours
to impress me with a good opinion of the Duke,
and, indeed, from his reports, I am satisfied, not
only of his innocence as to the accusation on which
he was guillotined, but as to his general character
as a man of honour, courage, and probity. I think
I see that he has been the victim of a double cabal,
of the court, and of the Jacobins. Mais parlons
d 'autre chose.

October 8th. I must change my apartment to-
morrow to make room for General Debelle,
brother-in-law to Hoche, who is just arrived. A
la bonne heure. " They talk of further alterations,
which causes many speculations." My quotations
latterly are as pert and as stupid as you please, but
how can I quote when I am in this horrible sus-
pense ?

* Louis Philippe Joseph, Duke of Orleans (1747-93), who
changed his name to Philippe Egalite at the Revolution, but
did not escape the guillotine.

(4.409) I?7 j 4

PREPARING FOR IRELAND [1796

October 17th. Our expedition, as well as the life
of the General, has had a most providential escape.
Last night, between nine and ten, as he was returning
from the Comedie, with General Debelle, and
Hedouville, a ruffian, who was posted at a corner,
fired a pistol at him, within five or six yards, which
fortunately missed, and the villain instantly ran off,
but was stopped by two of the aides-de-camp, who
happened to come that way, before he had run one
hundred yards. The pistol was likewise found
where he had dropped it. On his being seized
and examined, he confessed that he was hired by
a person, whom he described, to assassinate General
Hoche, and was to have fifty louis for his reward.
He threw himself on his knees before Hoche, who
behaved incomparably well, and desired him to
rise, as no man should kneel to him, and tell the
whole truth ; assuring him that he had not himself
the least resentment against him. The fellow then
repeated his story exactly, and the two aides-de-
camp set out with a guard in quest of the other
villain, whom they found in bed, and brought
to headquarters. A magistrate being sent for, the
two were confronted, and the latter denying every-
thing, they were both, after a long examination,
committed to prison. It seems the fellow who fired
the shot is a workman employed in the arsenal, the
other is lately from Paris, and says he is a horse
dealer ; in order to induce the former to commit
the murder, he told him that he was a Royalist,
178

1796J LEAVES FOR BREST

and that it was for the King's service to assassinate
Hoche, which, together with the promise of fifty
louis, determined him. The name of the former
is Moreau, and of the latter Teyssierd. Nothing
could be better than the General's behaviour
through all this affair. For my part I do not see
what the Royalists could promise themselves from
his death ; at the same time it is beyond all doubt
that this villain, Teyssierd, has come down from
Paris expressly to have him assassinated. I do not
at all suspect the English of assassination, but cer-
tainly, at this moment, they are much more
interested in Hoche's death than that miserable
Louis XVIII. In short, I know not what to think
of the motives of this abominable affair ; a few
days may probably explain it further.

October i%th. In consequence of the affair of
yesterday a search was made in the lodgings of
Teyssierd, and a case of pistols, two fusils, and three
air guns, were found, the two last articles buried
in the garden ; there were also among his papers
the directions of several persons in Paris and London.
I should be sorry, much as I detest the English
nation, to suspect them of such vile and horrible
means of effectuating their purposes, as that of
assassination ; yet they have already done several
things in this war as bad, at Quiberon, and else-
where. I am very much afraid the English Cabinet
is implicated in this infernal business, and more so
as the General received notice a few days since, from
179

PREPARING FOR IRELAND [1796

the Minister of Justice at Paris, to be on his guard,
as an attempt was intended to be made on his life
by some English agents.

October 22nd. Set out from Rennes, on my way
to Brest, with Privat and Marie Hoche. Travelled
very agreeably through a beautiful country covered
with wood, the very seat of Chouannerie. The
farms beautiful ; the towns, for the names whereof
I refer to the map, mean, and the villages abomin-
able. England far beyond France in that respect,
but very inferior in all the other beauties of a land-
scape.

October 2,0th. After halting last night at Lander-
neau, arrived this day at one o'clock at Brest,
having been just ten days on the road.

November 1st, 2nd. I have been hard at work ever
since my arrival, on an address to the Irish people,
which is to be printed here and distributed on our
landing. I have worked this day like a horse,
and I am as stupid to-night as a horse, and in
wretched low spirits ; every hour that passes is like
an age to my impatience ; I do not even sleep.

November 6th. Chatting with Col. Shee. He
told me that the General wished to find somebody
who would go directly to Ireland, as he had a safe
American who would sail at a minute's warning,
and also bring back the person who might go, and
he was very desirous of intelligence of the state of
the country at this moment. I mentioned Mac
Sheehy, and he immediately went for the General,
180

1796] NEWS OF THE ENGLISH

who came, and we agreed that if Mac Sheehy
had no objection, he should be dispatched to-
morrow. I went immediately and found Mac
Sheehy, to whom I opened the business, as from
myself, and he agreed without difficulty to go if
the General desired it. I informed the General of
his assent, at dinner, and he desired me to thank
him in his name, and desire him to hold himself
in readiness for to-morrow, which I did accordingly,
and to-morrow we shall see what are his instructions.
Mac Sheehy has behaved very well in this business.
November jth. The General has been out on a
boating party all day, until six o'clock in the even-
ing. On his return he desired me to find Mac
Sheehy, which I did accordingly, and he told him
that he must sail that night, as everything was
ready, and gave him verbal instructions, which in
my mind were very insufficient, and it is the first
time I have had reason to find fault with Hoche.
I brought Mac Sheehy to my lodgings, and made
him change his dress from head to foot, equipping
him with shirts, boots, stockings, waistcoats, coat
and cloak, all either Irish, or made after the Irish
fashion. I then gave him the address of Oliver
Bond and Richard McCormick. I desired him to
call on the former first, and tell him he came from
me at Brest, and, to satisfy Bond, I desired him to
tell him that when Jackson was seized, and Hamilton
Rowan and Dr. Reynolds escaped, he advised me
to do the same, and offered me money for that
181

PREPARING FOR IRELAND [1796

purpose, if I wanted it. For McCormick, I desired
him to tell him that a few days before I left Dublin
for America, I took him alone into his garden, and
acquainted him with my plan of pushing on, if
possible, for France, and that I had also, about the
middle of December last, written to him by my
brother from Philadelphia, acquainting him with
my progress. That I think will satisfy them that
he has seen me.

November 8th. Grimel, the merchant who pro-
cured the American vessel for the General, tells me
that Mac Sheehy was offlast night by half-past nine,
so that business so far goes on well.

November 10th. Saw the Legion Noire reviewed ;
about i, 800 men. They are the banditti intended
for England, and sad blackguards they are. They
put me strongly in mind of the Green-boys of
Dublin.

November 12th. Examined, at Mr. Shee's apart-
ment, an American captain, who is only five or
six days from London. He gives us no great
encouragement. His account is that Sir J. Jervis is
off Ushant, as he heard, with eleven or twelve sail
of the line, and he, himself, coming down channel,
fell in with three different little squadrons, two of
four ships and one of three, which were standing
to the westward under easy sail, and were going,
as he supposed, to join Admiral Jervis. If that be
so, they will keep us here as long as they please, for,
when united, they will make twenty-two sail of
182

1796] RECRUITING AMONG THE PRISONERS

the line, and our expedition is but twelve. In that
case our only chance is to wait for the first hard
gale of wind which may blow them off the coast,
and then make a run for it.

November 13th. Went, by order of the General,
among the prisoners of war at Pontanezen, near
Brest, and offered their liberty to as many as were
willing to serve aboard the French fleet. Sixty-
accepted the offer, of whom fifty were Irish. I
made them drink heartily before they left the
prison, and they were mustered and sent aboard
the same evening. I never saw the national char-
acter stronger marked than in the careless gaiety
of those poor fellows. Half-naked and half-starved
as I found them, the moment that they saw the
wine before them all their cares were forgotten ;
the instant I made the proposal, they accepted it
without hesitation ; the Englishmen balanced, and
several of them asked, in the true style of their
country, " What would I give them ? " It is but
justice to others of them to observe that they said
nothing should ever tempt them to fight against
their King and country. I told them they were
perfectly at liberty to make their choice, as I put
no constraint on any man, In the event, of about
one hundred English, ten men and boys offered
themselves, and, of about sixty Irish, fifty, as I have
observed ; not one Scotchman, though there were
several in the prison. When I called for the wine
my English recruits begged for something to eat

183

PREPARING FOR IRELAND [1796

at the same time, which I ordered for them. Poor
Pat never thought of eating, but when his head was
a little warm with the wine, he was very urgent to
be permitted to go amongst the Englishmen and
flog those who refused to enter, which, of course,
I prevented, though with some little difficulty.
" Arrahy blood an 'ounds. Captain dear, wont you
let me have one knock at the blackguards ? " I thought
myself on Ormond Quay once more. Oh, if we
once arrive safe on the other side, what soldiers we
will make of our poor fellows ! They all said they
hoped I was going with them, wherever it was. I
answered that I did not desire one man to go where
I was not ready to show the way, and they replied
with three cheers. It is to be observed that I never
mentioned the object of the expedition ; they
entered the service merely from the adventurous
spirit of the nation and their hatred of the English,
without any idea that they had a chance of seeing
Ireland again.

November 24th, 25th. Colonel Shee tells me to-
day that he has it from Bruix, one of our admirals,
that we shall sail in six days. Would to God it were
to-night ! There is a fine steady breeze blowing
right out of the harbour. In six days it will be the
1st of December. The 1st of January I left Sandy
Hook. The 1st of February I arrived at Havre,
and, if we arrive safe at our destination, it is
possible that on the 1st of January next I may be
once more in Dublin. Quanquam, oh !
184

1796] HOCHE GOES "CATERWAULING"

November 26th. How quietly Colonel Shee and
myself sat by the fire discussing how we might do
the greatest possible mischief to the unfortunate
wretches on whom our plans are intended to
operate. Well, they may thank themselves ; they
are accomplices with their execrable Government,
which has shown us the way in all those direful
extremities, and there is not a man of them but
would willingly exterminate both the French and
Irish. Yet once again ! The conflagration of such
a city as Bristol ! It is no slight affair ; thousands
and thousands of families, if the attempt succeeds,
will be reduced to beggary. I cannot help it !
If it must be, it must, and I will never blame the
French for any degree of misery which they may
inflict on the people of England. I do not think
my morality or feeling is much improved by my
promotion to the rank of Adjutant-General. The
truth is, I hate the very name of England ; I hated
her before my exile ; I hate her since ; and I will
hate her always.

November 2jth, 28th, 29th. I have no memo-
randums to make that are worth a farthing ;
always writing and writing. I declare I am tired
of my life, or, as the French say, je mennuye de ma
personne. Apropos of the General : there is a
charming little aristocrat, with whom he is per-
fectly well, although all her relations are Chouans.
In all the hurry of our expedition, he contrived to
steal off, and spend two days and nights with her.
185

PREPARING FOR IRELAND [1796

Mr. Shee and I were in a mortal fright at his absence,
for, knowing where he was gone, and on what
business, we apprehended some of the Chouans
might waylay and assassinate him. It was damned
indiscreet in him, but God forbid I should be the
man to accuse him, for I have been buffeted myself
so often by the foul fiend, that it would be rather
indecent of me to censure him. (Sings) ' 'Tis
woman that seduces all mankind" I do not think,
however (but God knows), that, under the present
circumstances, I would have gone caterwauling for
two days among the Chouans. Hoche has all the
right in the world (and why not ?) to do as he
pleases with his own life, but not to knock our
expedition on the head. I was very angry with him,
which, as I never did a foolish thing myself in my
life for the sake of a woman, was but reasonable.
It is all nonsense ; for they do what they please
with us, and it is in vain talking about it ; however,
I hope he may stop here whilst he is well.

December ist, 2nd. Received my order to embark
on board the Indomitable of 80 guns, Captain
Bedout. Packed up directly, and wrote a long
letter of directions to my wife, in which I detailed
everything I thought necessary, and advised her,
in case of anything happening me, to return to
America, and settle in Georgia or Carolina. I
enclosed this under cover to Madgett, and, at two
o'clock, arrived on board.

December $th to Sth. The uniformity of my life,
186

1796] EMBARKS

at anchor in the road of Brest, does not furnish
much matter for observation.

December 12th. The £tat-Major came aboard
last night ; we are seven in the great cabin, includ-
ing a lady in boy's clothes, the wife of a Commis-
saire, one Ragoneau. By what I see we have a
little army of Commissaries, who are going to Ire-
land to make their fortunes. If we arrive safe, I
think I will keep my eye a little upon these gentle-
men. In consequence of the arrival of Richery,
our squadron will be augmented with two if not
three ships, and the army with 1,700 men, which,
with 13,400 already on board, will make 15,100 —
a force more than sufficient for our purpose, if, as
I am always obliged to add, we have the good
fortune to reach our destination in safety.

187

XIV

TO BANTRY BAY

December 13th, 14th. To-day the signal is made
to heave short and be ready to put to sea ; the
report is we shall make sail at four o'clock. (Even-
ing.) Having nothing better to employ me, I
amuse myself scribbling these foolish memoran-
dums. In the first place, I must remark the infinite
power of female society over our minds, which I
see every moment exemplified in the effect which
the presence of Madame Ragoneau has on our
manners ; not that she has any claim to respect other
than as she is a woman, for she is not very hand-
some, she has no talents, and (between friends)
she was originally ajille dejoie at Paris. Yet we are
all attentive and studious to please her ; and I am
glad, in short, she is aboard, as I am satisfied she
humanizes us not a little. General Watrin paid us
a visit this evening, with the band of his regiment,
and I went down into the great cabin, where all
the officers mess, and where the music was playing.
I was delighted with the effect it seemed to have on
them. The cabin was ceiled with the firelocks

1796] THE FIRST CALAMITY

intended for the expedition ; the candlesticks were
bayonets stuck in the table ; the officers were in
their jackets and bonnets de police ; some playing
cards, others singing to the music, others conversing,
and all in the highest spirits. Once again I was
delighted with the scene. At length Watrin and
his band went off, and as it was a beautiful moon-
light night, the effect of the music on the water,
diminishing as they receded from our vessel, was
delicious. We are still at anchor — bad ! bad !

December i$th. At n o'clock this morning the
signal was made to heave short, and I believe we are
now going to sail in downright earnest.

December 16th. At two, signal to get under way.
At half after two, made sail, the wind still favourable,
but slack. Settled our role de combat. Chasseloup
and Vaudray, with their Adjoints, are on the lower
deck ; Simon and I, with ours, on the main deck ;
Cherin, I believe, with the Captain. I had rather
be on the quarter-deck or poop, where I could see
something ; however, I said nothing. We are all
in full regimentals, with our laced hats, etc., which
is to encourage the troops.

December ijth. Last night passed through the
Raz,* a most dangerous and difficult pass, wherein
we were within an inch of running on a sunken

* Pointe du Raz, at the southern extremity of the Bay
of Douarnenez. As he finds some forty-eight hours later
it was fatal for the Sdduisant, which sank with over five
hundred men.

189

TO BANTRY BAY [1796

rock, where we must, every soul, have inevitably
perished.

December iSth. At nine this morning a fog so
thick that we cannot see a ship's length before us.
This damned fog continues without interruption.
(At night.) Foggy all day, and no appearance of our
comrades. The Captain has opened a packet con-
taining instructions for his conduct in case of separa-
tion, which order him to cruise for five days off
Mizen Head, and, at the end of that time, proceed
to the mouth of the Shannon, where he is to remain
three more, at the end of which time, if he does
not see the fleet, or receive further orders by a
frigate, he is to make the best of his way back
to Brest. But we must see in that case whether
Bouvet and Grouchy may not take on themselves
to land the troops.

December igth. This morning, at eight, signal
of a fleet in the ofhng ; Branlebas General ; rose
directly and made my toilet, so now I am ready,
on pour les Anglais, ou pour les Anglaises. I see about
a dozen sail, but whether they are friends or
enemies God knows. It is a stark calm, so that we
do not move an inch even with our studding sails ;
but here we He rolling like so many logs on the
water. At half-past ten we floated near enough to
recognize the signals, and, to my infinite satis-
faction, the strange fleet proves to be our comrades,
so now nous en sommes quittes pour la peur, as the
French say ; counted sixteen sail, including the
190

1796] THE FIRST CALAMITY

Admiral's frigate, so the General is safe.* At half-
past one, hailed by a lugger, which informed us of
the loss of the Seduisant, a seventy-four of our
squadron, the first night of our departure, with five
hundred and fifty men of the ninety-fourth Demi-
brigade, of whom she saved thirty-three. Our
force leaving Brest water was as follows : — Indomp-
tahle, 80 guns ; Nestor, Cassard, Droits de Y Homme,
Tourville, Eole, Fougueux, Mucius, Redoubtable,
Patriote, Pluton, Constitution, Trajan, Watigny,
Pegaze, Revolution, and the unfortunate Seduisant,
of 74 guns (17 sail of the line) ; La Cocarde, Bra-
voure, Immortalite, Bellone, Coquille, Romaine, Sirene,
Impatiente, Surveillante, Charente, Resolue, Tartare,
and Fraternite, frigates of 36 guns (13 frigates) ;
Scevola, and Fidele, armes en flutes, f Mutine, Renard,
Atalante, Voltigeur, and Affronteur, corvettes, and
Nicodeme, Justine, Ville d' Orient, Suffren, Experiment,
and Alegre, transports, making in all 43 sail. Of
these there are missing, this day, at three o'clock, the
Nestor and Seduisant, of 74 ; the Fraternite, Cocarde,
and Romaine, frigates, the Mutine and Voltigeur,
corvettes, and three other transports. J
December 20th. Last night, in moderate weather,

* Later he finds that the Fraternite, Hoche aboard, is not this
ship. They never met Hoche at sea again.

f A flute is a ship, carrying only part of her armament, used
as a transport.

I Probably the ships were named txtlie, Redoutable, Pegaze,
Sirene, Fidele, Renard, Nicomedie, Experiment, Allegre — and what
about Suffren ? Later Tone mentions the Vantour, a lugger of
seventeen guns.

191

TO BANTRY BAY [1796

we contrived to separate again, and this morning,
at eight o'clock, we are but fifteen sail in company,
with a foul wind and hazy. I am in horrible ill-
humour, and it is no wonder.

December 21st. Last night, just at sunset, signal
for seven sail in the ofhng ; all in high spirits, in
hopes that it is our comrades ; stark calm all the
fore part of the night ; at length a breeze sprung
up, and this morning, at daybreak, we are under
Cape Clear, distant about four leagues, so I have
at all events once more seen my country ; but the
pleasure I should otherwise feel at this is totally
destroyed by the absence of the General, who has
not joined us, and of whom we know nothing.
The sails we saw last night have disappeared, and
we are all in uncertainty. It is most delicious
weather, with a favourable wind, and everything,
in short, that we can desire, except our absent
comrades. We are thirty-five sail in company,
and seven or eight absent. Is that such a separation
of our force as, under all the circumstances, will
warrant our following the letter of our orders, to
the certain failure of the expedition ? If Grouchy*
and Bouvet be men of spirit and decision, they will
land immediately, and trust to their success for

* Emmanuel, Marquis de Grouchy (1766-1847), second-in-
command in this expedition, aboard the Immortalite, had first
seen service with Hoche in La Vendee. Fought in Italy, Russia,
Germany, and tried to hold the army together even after
Napoleon's second abdication, after which he retired to America.
He lived in France from 18 19 to his death.
192

1796] IN BANTRY BAY

justification. If they be not, and if this day passes
without our seeing the General, I much fear the
game is up. I am in undescribable anxiety, and
Cherin, who commands aboard, is a poor creature,
to whom it is vain to speak ; not but I believe he
is brave enough, but he has a little mind. There
cannot be imagined a situation more provokingly
tantalising than mine at this moment, within view,
almost within reach of my native land, and uncer-
tain whether I shall ever set my foot on it. We
are now, nine o'clock, at the rendezvous appointed ;
stood in for the coast till twelve, when we were
near enough to toss a biscuit ashore ; at twelve
tacked and stood out again, so now we have begun
our cruise of five days in all its forms, and shall, in
obedience to the letter of our instructions, ruin the
expedition, and destroy the remnant of the French
navy, with a precision and punctuality which will
be truly edifying. We opened Bantry Bay, and, in
all my life, rage never entered so deeply into my
heart as when we turned our backs on the coast.
At half after one, the Atalante, one of our missing
corvettes, hove in sight, so now again we are in
hopes to see the General. Oh, if he were in
Grouchy *s place, he would not hesitate one moment.
Continue making short boards ; the wind foul.

December 22nd. This morning, at eight, we have
neared Bantry Bay considerably, but the fleet is
terribly scattered ; no news of the Fratemite ; I

believe it is the first instance of an admiral in a clean
(4,409) ip3 I5

TO BANTRY BAY [1796

frigate, with moderate weather, and moonlight
night, parting company with his fleet. Captain
Grammont, our first lieutenant, told me his opinion
is that she is either taken or lost, and, in either event,
it is a terrible blow to us. All rests now upon
Grouchy, and I hope he may turn out well ; he has
a glorious game in his hands, if he has spirits and
talents to play it. If he succeeds, it will immortalize
him. We are gaining the Bay by slow degrees,
with a head wind at east, where it has hung these
five weeks. To-night we hope, if nothing extra-
ordinary happens, to cast anchor in the mouth of
the Bay, and work up to-morrow morning ;
these delays are dreadful to my impatience. I am
now so near the shore that I can see, distinctly, two
old castles, yet I am utterly uncertain whether I shall
ever set foot on it. According to appearances,
Bouvet and Grouchy are resolved to proceed ; that
is a great point gained, however. Two o'clock ;
we have been tacking ever since eight this morning,
and I am sure we have not gained one hundred
yards : the wind is right ahead, and the fleet dis-
persed, several being far to leeward. At half-past
six, cast anchor off Bere Island, being still four
leagues from our landing-place ; at work with
General Cherin, writing and translating proclama-
tions, etc., all our printed papers, including my two
pamphlets, being on board the Fraternite, which is
pleasant.
December 23 /y/. Last night it blew a heavy gale
194

1796] A DESPERATE PLAN

from the eastward with snow, so that the moun-
tains are covered this morning, which will render
our bivouacs extremely amusing. It is to be
observed, that of the thirty-two points of the com-
pass, the E. is precisely the most unfavourable to us.
In consequence we are this morning separated for
the fourth time ; sixteen sail, including nine or ten
of the line, with Bouvet and Grouchy, are at anchor
with us, and about twenty are blown to sea ;
luckily the gale set from the shore, so I am in hopes
no mischief will ensue. The wind is still high, and,
as usual, right ahead ; and I dread a visit from the
English, and altogether I am in great uneasiness.
Oh ! that we were once ashore, let what might
ensue after ; I am sick to the very soul of this sus-
pense. The day has passed without the appearance
of one vessel, friend or enemy, the wind rather
more moderate, but still ahead. To-night, on
examining the returns with Waudre, Chef d'Etat-
Major of the Artillery, I find our means so reduced
by the absence of the missing, that I think it hardly
possible to make an attempt here, with any pros-
pect of success ; in consequence, I took Cherin into
the Captain's room, and told him frankly my
opinion of our actual state, and that I thought it
our duty, since we must look upon the main object
as now unattainable, unless the whole of our friends
returned to-morrow, and the English gave us our
own time, which was hardly to be expected, to see
what could be best done for the honour and interest
195

TO BANTRY BAY [1796

of the Republic, with the force which remained
in our hands, and I proposed to him to give me
the Legion des Francs, a company of the artillerie
Ugere, and as many officers as desired to come
volunteers in the expedition, with what arms and
stores remained, which are now reduced, by
our separation, to four field pieces, 20,000 firelocks
at most, 1,000 lb. of powder, and 3,000,000 car-
tridges, and to land us in Sligo Bay, and let us make
the best of our way ; if we succeeded, the Republic
would gain infinitely in reputation and interest, and,
if we failed, the loss would be trifling, as the expense
was already incurred, and as for the legion, he knew
what kind of desperadoes it was composed of, and
for what purpose ; consequently, in the worst
event, the Republic would be well rid of them ;
finally, I added that though I asked the command,
it was on the supposition that none of the Generals
would risk their reputation on such a desperate
enterprise, and that if another was found, I would
be content to go as a simple Volunteer. This was
the outline of my proposal, which I pressed on him
with such arguments as occurred to me, concluding
by observing that, as a foreigner in the French
service, my situation was a delicate one, and if I
were simply an officer, I would obey in silence the
orders of my superiors, but, from my connections
in Ireland, having obtained the confidence of the
Directory, so far as to induce them to appoint
me to the rank of Chef de Brigade, and of General
196

1796] COUNCIL OF WAR

Hoche who had nominated me Adjutant-General,
I thought it my duty, both to France and Ireland,
to speak on this occasion, and that I only offered
my plan as a pis aller, in case nothing better suggested
itself. Cherin answered that I did very right to
give my opinion, and that as he expected a council
of war would be called to-morrow, he would bring
me with him, and I should have an opportunity to
press it. The discourse rested there, and to-morrow
we shall see more, if we are not agreeably surprised,
early in the morning, by a visit from the English,
which is highly probable.

December 24th. This morning the whole Etat-
Major has been miraculously converted, and it was
agreed, in full council, that General Cherin, Colonel
Waudre, Chef d'Etat Major of the Artillery, and
myself, should go aboard the Itnmortalite, and
press General Grouchy in the strongest manner, to
proceed on the expedition, with the ruins of our
scattered army. Accordingly, we made a signal
to speak with the Admiral, and in about an hour
we were aboard. I must do Grouchy the justice
to say, that the moment we gave our opinion in
favour of proceeding, he took his part decidedly,
and like a man of spirit ; he instantly set about
preparing the ordre de bataiUe, and we finished it
without delay. We are not more than 6,500 strong,
but they are tried soldiers, who have seen fire, and
I have the strongest hopes that, after all, we shall
bring our enterprise to a glorious termination. It
197

TO BANTRY BAY (1796

is a bold attempt, and truly original. All the time
we were preparing the ordre de bataille, we were
laughing most immoderately at the poverty of our
means, and I believe, under the circumstances, it
was the merriest council of war that was ever
held ; but " Des Chevaliers francais telest le caractere."
Grouchy, the commander-in-chief, never had so
few men under his orders since he was Adjutant-
General ; Waudre, who is Lieutenant-Colonel,
finds himself now at the head of the artillery, which
is a farious park,* consisting of one piece of eight,
one of four, and two six-inch howitzers ; when he
was a Captain he never commanded fewer than ten
pieces, but now that he is in fact General of the
artillery, he prefers taking the field with four. He
is a gallant fellow, and offered, on my proposal
last night, to remain with me and command his
company, in case General Grouchy had agreed
to the proposal I made to Cherin. It is altogether
an enterprise truly unique ; we have not one
guinea ; we have not a tent ; we have not a horse
to draw our four pieces of artillery ; the General-
in-chief marches on foot ; we leave all our baggage
behind us ; we have nothing but the arms in our
hands, the clothes on our backs, and a good courage,
but that is sufficient. With all these original circum-
stances, such as I believe never were found united in
an expedition of such magnitude as that we are

* A park is the space in a camp occupied by the artillery, and
so, by transference, the artillery of an army.
198

I79<5] MAD FELLOWS

about to attempt, we are all as gay as larks. I never
saw the French character better exemplified than
in this morning's business. Well, at last I believe
we are about to disembark ; God knows how I
long for it. But this infernal easterly wind con-
tinues without remorse, and though we have been
under way three or four hours, and made I believe
three hundred tacks, we do not seem to my eyes
to have gained one hundred yards in a straight line.
One hour and a half of good wind would carry
us up, and perhaps we may be yet two days.
Damn it ! damn it ! At six, cast anchor, having
gained I think not less than fifty yards, to speak
Vvdthin bounds. The rapidity of our progress is
the more amazing, when it is considered that we
have been not much more than eight hours in
covering that space of ground, and besides, we have
a cool refreshing breeze from the east, which is
truly delightful. The more I think of it, the more
I find it amusing ; as Johnson says : " the negative
catalogue of our means is extremely copious." In
addition to what I have mentioned already, we have
no horses for our cavalry. Huzza ! I apprehend
we are to-night 6,000 of the most careless fellows
in Europe, for everybody is in the most extravagant
spirits on the eve of an enterprise, which, consider-
ing our means, would make many people serious.
I never liked the French half so well as to-night, and
I can scarcely persuade myself that the loungers of
the Boulevards, and the soldiers I see about me, are
199

TO BANTRY BAY [1796

of the same hemisphere. To judge the French
rightly, or at least to see the bright part of their
character, you must see them not in Paris, but in the
camp.

December 2$th. These memorandums are a
strange mixture. Sometimes I am in preposterously
high spirits, and at other times I am as dejected,
according to the posture of our affairs. Last night
I had the strongest expectations that to-day we
should debark, but at two diis morning I was
awakened by the wind. I rose immediately, and,
wrapping myself in my greatcoat, walked for an
hour in the gallery, devoured by the most gloomy
reflections. The wind continues right ahead, so
that it is absolutely impossible to work up to the
landing-place, and God knows when it will change.
The same wind is exactly favourable to bring the
English upon us, and these cruel delays give the
enemy time to assemble his entire force in this
neighbourhood, and perhaps (it is, unfortunately,
more than perhaps) by his superiority in numbers,
in cavalry, in artillery, in money, in provisions —
in short, in everything we want — to crush us, sup-
posing we are even able to effectuate a landing at
last, at the same time that the fleet will be caught as
in a trap. Had we been able to land the first day
and march directly to Cork, we should have in-
fallibly carried it by a coup de main, and then we
should have a footing in the country ; but as it is
— if we are taken, my fate will not be a mild one ;
200

1796] RESOLUTIONS

the best I can expect is to be shot as an emigre rentre
unless I have the good fortune to be killed in the
action ; for most assuredly if the enemy will have
us he must fight for us. Perhaps I may be reserved
for a trial, for the sake of striking terror into others,
in which case I shall be hanged as a traitor, and em-
bowelled, etc. As to the embowelling, "je men
jiche " ; if ever they hang me, they are welcome
to embowel me if they please. These are pleasant
prospects ! Nothing on earth could sustain me
now but the consciousness that I am engaged in a
just and righteous cause. For my family I have,
by a desperate effort, surmounted my natural feel-
ings so far, that I do not think of them at this
moment. This day, at twelve, the wind blows a
gale, still from the east, and our situation is now as
critical as possible ; for it is morally certain that
this day or to-morrow on the morning the English
fleet will be in the harbour's mouth, and then adieu
to everything. Well, it does not signify complain-
ing. Our first capital error was in setting sail too
late from the Bay of Camaret, by which means we
were obliged to pass the Raz in the night, which
caused the loss of the Seduisant, the separation of the
fleet, the capture of the General, and, above all, the
loss of time resulting from all this, and which is
never to be recovered. Our second error was in
losing an entire day in cruising off the bay when
we might have entered and effected a landing with
thirty-five sail, which would have secured every
201

TO BANTRY BAY [1796

thing ; and now our third error is having our com-
mander-in-chief separated from the fitat- Major,
which renders all communication utterly impossible.
I see nothing before me, unless a miracle be wrought
in our favour, but the ruin of the expedition, the
slavery of my country, and my own destruction.
Well, if I am to fall, at least I will sell my life as dear
as individual resistance can make it. So now I
have made up my mind. I have a merry Christmas
of it to-day.

December 26th. Last night, at half after six
o'clock, in a heavy gale of wind still from the east,
we were surprised by the Admiral's frigate running
under our quarter, and hailing the Indomitable
with orders to cut our cable and put to sea instantly ;
the frigate then pursued her course, leaving us all
in the utmost astonishment. Captain Bedout
resolved to wait at all events till to-morrow morn-
ing, in order to ascertain whether it was really the
Admiral who hailed us. The morning is now come,
the gale continues, and the fog is so thick that we
cannot see a ship's length ahead ; so here we lie
in the utmost uncertainty and anxiety. In all
probability we are now left without Admiral or
General ; if so, Cherin will command the troops,
and Bedout the fleet, but at all events there is an
end of the expedition. Certainly we have been
persecuted by a strange fatality from the very night
of our departure to this hour. We have lost two
commanders-in-chief; of four admirals not one
202

I79<5] ADMIRAL NOW LOST

remains ; we have lost one ship of the line, that
we know of, and probably many others of which
we know nothing ; we have been now six days
in Bantry Bay, within five hundred yards of the
shore, without being able to effectuate a landing ;
we have been dispersed four times in four days, and
at this moment, of forty-three sail, of which the
expedition consisted, we can muster of all sizes but
fourteen. There only wants our falling in with the
English to complete our destruction ; and, to judge
of the future by the past, there is every probability
that that will not be wanting. All our hopes are
now reduced to get back in safety to Brest, and I
believe we will set sail for that port the instant the
weather will permit.

December 2jth. Yesterday several vessels, in-
cluding the Indomp table, dragged their anchors
several times, and it was with difficulty they rode
out the gale. At two o'clock the Revolution, a
seventy-four, made signal that she could hold no
longer, and, in consequence of the Commodore's
permission, who now commands our little squadron,
cut her only cable and put to sea. In the night the
Patriote and Pluton, of seventy-four each, were
forced to put to sea, with the Nicomede flute, so
that this morning we are reduced to seven sail of
the line and one frigate. Any attempt here is now
desperate, but I still think if we were debarked at
the mouth of the Shannon we might yet recover all.

December 28th. Last night it blew a perfect
203

TO BANTRY BAY [1796

hurricane. At one this morning a dreadful sea
took the ship in the quarter, stove in the quarter-
galley, and one of the deadlights in the great cabin,
which was instantly filled with water to the depth
of three feet. The cots of the officers were almost
all torn down, and themselves and their trunks
floated about the cabin. For my part, I had just
fallen asleep when wakened by the shock, of which
I at first did not comprehend the meaning ; but
hearing the water distinctly rolling in the cabin
beneath me, and two or three of the officers
mounting in their shirts, as wet as if they had risen
from the bottom of the sea, I concluded instantly
that the ship had struck and was filling with water,
and that she would sink directly. As the move-
ments of the mind are as quick as lightning in such
perilous moments, it is impossible to describe the
infinity of ideas which shot across my mind in an
instant. As I knew all notion of saving my life was
in vain in such a stormy sea, I took my part instantly
and lay down in my hammock, expecting every
instant to go to the bottom ; but I was soon re-
lieved by the appearance of one of the officers,
Baudin, who explained to us the accident. I can
safely say that I had perfect command of myself
during the few terrible minutes which I passed in
this situation, and I was not, I believe, more afraid
than any of those about me. I resigned myself
to my fate, which I verily thought was inevitable,
and I could have died like a man.
204

1796] HURRICANE AND END

December 29th. At four this morning the Com-
modore made the signal to steer for France ; so there
is an end of our expedition for the present ; perhaps
for ever.

January 1, 1797. At eight this morning made the
island of Ushant, and at twelve opened the goulet.
We arrive seven sail : the Indomptable, of 80 ;
the Watigny, Cassard, and Eole y 74 ; the Coquille,
36 ; the Atalante, 20, and the Vantour lugger of 14.
We left Brest forty-three sail, of which seventeen
were of the line. I am utterly astonished that we
did not see a single English ship of war, going nor
coming back.*

* Lecky quotes, and it may be well to requote the letter ot
Beresford to Auckland, in the Auckland Correspondence (vol.
iii, 376) : " We had, two days after the French were at anchor
in Bantry Bay, from Cork to Bantry, less than 3,000 men, two
pieces of artillery and no magazine of any kind, no firing, no
hospital, no provisions, etc. No landing was made. Provi-
dence prevented it. If there had, where was a stand to be
made ? It is clear that Cork was gone ; who would answer
afterwards for the loyalty of the country, then in the possession
of the French ? Would the northern parts of the country have
remained quiet ? Not an hour. . . .'

205

XV

A QUIET INTERVAL.

January ist to 31st. It is exactly one month to-
day since I wrote a line by way of memorandum.
It will be well supposed I had no great inclination,
nor, in fact, have I had much to say. On our
arrival at Brest, after a day or two, there was a litde
intrigue set on foot against General Grouchy, with
a view to lessen the merit of his services, in conse-
quence of which he determined to send me to Paris
with his dispatches for the Directory and Minister
of War. Simon was joined with me in commission,
and Fairin was also dispatched by Cherin, who is at
the head of this cabal. Grouchy desired me to state
fairly what I thought of his conduct during our
stay at Bantry Bay, to the Government ; and I was
not a little pleased with this proof of his good
opinion. We set off on the 5th of January, at
night, and arrived without accident at Paris on the
1 2th. We went immediately to the Minister of
War and delivered our letters ; we saw him but
for an instant ; thence we went to the Directory,
where we were introduced, and had an audience
for above half an hour, at which all the Directors
206

1797] FAMILY AFFAIRS

assisted. They were of opinion on that day, from
the latest accounts, that Hoche had effectuated a
landing with that part of the army which had been
separated off Bantry Bay, and in consequence we
expected orders immediately to return to Brest.
The next day Doulcet introduced me to Lacuee,
of the Conseil des Anciens, and the chosen friend
of Carnot. I took that occasion to do justice to the
zeal and spirit of General Grouchy, and I hope I
succeeded. At four I went to dinner with the
Minister of War, and at eight, by appointment, to
the Luxembourg, where I had an interview with
Carnot and Lacuee, for about a quarter of an hour,
on the subject of Mac Sheehy's mission to Ireland,
the general result of which I endeavoured to im-
press upon Carnot. I also stated in the strongest
manner what I felt in favour of Grouchy ; so that,
so far, I have done my duty by him. The General,
at length, on the 15th, arrived, with the Revolution,
74, at La Rochelle.

On my arrival at Paris I found a letter from
my wife at Madgett's, dated at Hamburg, and
informing me of her safe arrival there, about
the 20th of December, with my sister and the
children, my brother having decided to settle
in America. The transports of joy I felt at the
news of her arrival were most dreadfully cor-
rected by the account she gave me of her health,
which threw me into the most terrible alarms. I
wrote to her instantly to remain at Hamburg
207

A QUIET INTERVAL [1797

until further orders, and by no means to think
of exposing herself, in her present weak state,
and our dear little babies to a journey from
Hamburg in this dreadful season, a great part of
the road being through a wild country where there
is no better accommodation for travelling than open
waggons. In my wife's letter there is an account
of an affair relative to my sister. A person who
came over in the same ship, a young Swiss merchant,
just beginning the world with little or no property,
thought proper to fall in love with her ; in conse-
quence I received by the same conveyance which
brought my wife's letter, one from him informing
me of his situation and circumstances, of his love
for my sister and hers for him, and praying my
consent. There was an air of candour and honesty
in his letter which gave me a good opinion of him,
nor did I consider myself at liberty to stand in the
way of her happiness, which my wife mentioned
to me was deeply interested. I wrote, therefore,
giving my full consent to the marriage, and trust in
God they may be as happy as I wish them. On
the 30th I wrote to General Hoche on the subject
of my present situation, praying him to apply to
the Government to permit me to retire from the
service, preserving my pay and appointments, and
at the same time offering, at any future period
when I might be useful, to resume my situation.
The same evening I had a note from the General
desiring to see me early the next morning, and
208

1797] SEES HOCHE AGAIN

accordingly this day, 31st of January, I went to
the hotel of the Minister of War, where he is
lodged, at eight o'clock. On my calling on his
aide-de-camp, Poitou, who makes his correspond-
ence, Poitou showed me my letter, with a note
in the margin, written by the General : " Faire une
copie pour etre addressee au Directoire, avec la demande
de sa conservation, motivee sur Yutilite dont il pent etre ;
lui faire une reponse flatteuse, et lui temoigner ma satis-
faction de sa conduite." Nothing, certainly, can be
more agreeable to me. From Poitou I went to the
General's apartment, who received me like a
friend ; which I remarked the more because his
manner to his officers in general is cold and dry.
" The affair," replied he, " is but suspended. You
know our difficulties for money ; the repair of
our fleet and the necessary preparations require some
considerable time, and in the meantime there are
15,000 men lying idle below, and, in fact, we cannot
even feed them there. The Directory has resolved,
in the meantime, to employ them usefully else-
where, and has accepted my services ; but be
assured, the moment the enterprise is resumed, that
I will return with the first patrouille which
embarks." This conversation with Hoche has
given me spirits to recommence these memo-
randums ; for, in fact, my mind has been in a
state of stupor ever since I landed at Brest from
our unfortunate expedition. Buonaparte has
beaten the Austrians for the five-and-fortieth time
< 4 > 409 > 209 16

A QUIET INTERVAL [1797

this campaign ; killed 7,000 and taken 20,000. I
mention this, because it may bring about a peace
with the Emperor, in which case we shall have
nothing to do but lay alongside of England ; and
perhaps we are not done with her yet. As soon as
my affair here is settled, I will set off for Hamburg,
and bring my dear, dear love and our little ones, and
I think I will plant myself at Nanterre, beside my
friend Mr. Shee, in order to keep the communica-
tion open with General Clarke when he returns ;
and maybe I may be able to do a little mischief yet.
I feel this moment like a man who is just awakened
from a long terrible dream.

February ist to 8th. Yesterday morning I heard
of the arrival of my friend Mr. Shee from Rochelle.
I ran off immediately and found him at General
Clarke's apartments. He was delighted to see me.
It seems they had a dreadful voyage of it in the
Fraternite. They sailed at one time four-and-twenty
hours, unnoticed, in the very middle of the English
fleet. We soon came to our business, in which he
seems as hearty as ever ; he tells me he hopes the
Government will renew it by and by on a grand
scale ; and that we shall have the co-operation,
so long wished for, of the Spanish marine. If that
be so, all may yet be recovered. As to myself,
I can at least exist on my appointments, and if I
had my family here I could be as happy as the
richest man in Europe ; but the state of my dearest
love's health keeps me in the most mortal inquietude.

210

1797] TOM PAINE

Two nights successively I have started out of my
sleep in a cold sweat, with horrible dreams con-
cerning her. I have read her two letters a thousand
times, and there is not a phrase regarding her
health that I have not turned a thousand different
ways to torment myself; in short, I am truly
miserable on her account.

February 9th to 18 th. This day I removed to the
Hotel des Etats Unis, Rue de Tournon, near the
Luxembourg, as I have been very inconveniently
off at Mademoiselle Boivert's, my ancient landlady.
The 10th instant I had the unspeakable satisfaction
to receive a letter from my dearest love, acquainting
me that her health was much better ; she had re-
ceived my two letters, and tells me my sister's
marriage was fixed for the second day after : so
I am in hopes she is settled, and trust in God she
will be happy.

March ist, 2nd, yd. I lead the life of a dog here
in Paris, where I am as much alone as in the deserts
of Arabia. This night, in downright wretchedness,
I am come to a tavern, where I write this memo-
randum in a little box by myself. It is miserable.
I wonder, shall I ever be so happy as to see my
dearest love and our little ones once more ? My
mind is overgrown with docks and thistles for want
of cultivation, and I cannot help it, for I have not
a soul to speak to whom I care a farthing about.
There are about half a dozen Irishmen here in
Paris that I have seen, but they are sad vulgar
211

A QUIET INTERVAL [1797

wretches, and I have been used to rather better
company in all respects. Well, let me change the
subject. I have been lately introduced to the
famous Thomas Paine,* and like him very well.
He is vain beyond all belief, but he has reason to be
vain, and for my part I forgive him. He has done
wonders for the cause of liberty, both in America
and Europe, and I believe him to be conscientiously
an honest man. He converses extremely well ; and
I find him wittier in discourse than in his writings,
where his humour is clumsy enough. He read me
some passages from a reply to the Bishop of
Llandaff which he is preparing for the press, in
which he belabours the prelate without mercy.
He seems to plume himself more on his theology
than his politics, in which I do not agree with him.
I mentioned to him that I had known Burke in
England, and spoke of the shattered state of his
mind, in consequence of the death of his only son
Richard. Paine immediately said that it was the
" Rights of Man " which had broke his heart, and
that the death of his son gave him occasion to de-
velop the chagrin which had preyed upon him ever

* Thomas Paine (173 7-1 809), labelled usually as a " political
anti-Christian," is better defined as a Deist. In America, in 1766,
he wrote Common Sense in favour of American Independence ;
and in England the Rights of Man, in reply to Burke's Reflections.
This book sold by the million, but Paine had to retire to France
to avoid prosecution. There imprisoned, 1794, and later
released, he wrote (and was writing when Tone met him) the
Age of Reason. What struck Tone also struck most people
who met Paine — his vanity and intemperance.
212

1797] LOVE-LORN

since the appearance of that work. I am sure the
" Rights of Man " has tormented Burke exceed-
ingly, but I have seen myself the workings of a
father's grief on his spirit, and I could not be
deceived. Paine has no children ! — Oh ! my little
babies, if I was to lose my Will, or my little
Fantom ! Poor little souls, I dote upon them,
and on their darling mother, whom I love ten
thousand times more than my own existence.
They are never out of my thoughts. But to return
to Paine : He drinks like a fish, a misfortune which
I have known to befall other celebrated patriots.
I am told that the true time to see him to advantage
is about ten at night, with a bottle of brandy and
water before him, which I can very well conceive.
March 13 th to 20th. Dined to-day with Cherin,
who sets off to-night for the army of Sambre et
Meuse. I hope to follow him in a week at farthest,
as I am promised my frais de route by that time.
Came home after dinner, and sat some time alone,
and devoured with the spleen. Opened my desk,
and read over all my dearest love's letters. They
are my constant refuge, but latterly I am most
terribly alarmed for her health. If I were so
miserable as to lose her I do not think I could ever
survive it, and then what would become of our
dearest little babies ? Darling little things, I dote
on them. My poor Maria ; there are two post-
scripts of her writing ; it is impossible to express
how much I love them all ; shall I ever have the
213

A QUIET INTERVAL [1797

happiness to see them again ? Well, I must not
think of that now. Sent out for a lemon and sugar,
and determined to play the part of Lord B. " J
must have my punch." Oh that my dearest love
were at the other side of the little table where I am
writing this : " Quamquam oh ! " There is one
thing which I have had occasion to remark to-night,
and a thousand times before, since my arrival in
France, viz., " That it is not good for man to be alone"

March 21st to 24th. Received this day a letter
from my sister, which has thrown me into the
greatest distress. I much fear that I shall lose my
best beloved wife ; I cannot write.

March 26th, 27th, 2%th. Blank.

April jth. Cologne.

April 9th. Called on Mr. Shee early, and men-
tioned to him my present situation. After turning
it in all possible lights, we agreed that I should write
a letter to the General, suggesting the necessity of
opening a communication with Ireland, and
offering, in case he had not otherwise disposed of
me, to go in person to Hamburg for that purpose.
Wrote the letter accordingly, which Mr. Shee
translated and I signed.

April 12th. Saw the General to-day, for an
instant, before dinner. He told me he had read
my letter, approved of the plan, and had, in conse-
quence, desired Poitou to make out a permission
for me to go to Hamburg. I did not like the word
" permission" and therefore took an opportunity to
214

1797] JOINS HIS WIFE

speak to him again after dinner, when I told him
that I did not desire to go to Hamburg unless he
himself thought it advisable, and requested that in
that case he would give me an order, specifically,
for that purpose, as otherwise it might appear that
I had applied for a conge at the very opening of the
campaign, which was not the case. He entered
into my view of the business directly, and promised
me to have the order made accordingly ; so I am
in hopes that affair will be settled to my mind.

April 13 th. To-day the General set off for
Coblentz. I walked all the forenoon about
Cologne, and entered divers churches ; saw a
procession of priests carrying the host. To a de-
vout Catholic it must appear very striking, but to
me, who am not a Catholic, it was no great things ;
however, I am glad I have seen it, for one must see
everything.*

April 14th, 15th, 16th. Yesterday I entered a
church alone, for I visit all the churches ; there
happened to be no one in the place but myself,
and as I was gazing about, I perceived the corner
of a green silk curtain behind a thick iron lattice
lifted up, and some one behind it. I drew near,
in order to discover who it might be, and it proved
to be a nun, young I am sure, and I believe hand-
some, for I saw only her mouth and chin, but a
more beautiful mouth I never saw. We continued

* See footnote to entries of March 1, 1798, on Tone's attitude
to religion.

215

A QUIET INTERVAL [1797

gazing on one another in this manner for five
minutes, when a villainous overgrown friar, enter-
ing to say his mass, put her to the rout. Poor soul,
I pitied her from the very bottom of my heart,
and laying aside all grosser considerations, should
have rejoiced to have battered down the gates of
the convent, and rescued her from her prison.
These convents are most infernal institutions, but,
at the peace, I trust the Republic will settle that
business here, where, by the by, the people are
dreadfully superstitious.

April 20th. Set out from Cologne, at five in the
morning, " by most of the clocks" on my way to
join my dearest love.

April 21st. Passed Guelders, the capital of the
Duchy of that name, in a broken slumber. I can
assure all those whom it may concern, that a Ger-
man post-wagon is not the most eligible contriv-
ance for sleeping in. I am at this moment ereinte*
as the French say. Breakfasted at Cleves, and made
my toilet to refresh me. Shaved by a surgeon for
threepence, for in Germany the ancient fraternity
between the barbers and surgeons still subsists.
Thought of Partridge's lamentation on their
separation. Set off again in my wagon at one. At
four entered the territory of the Batavian Republic, j*

* " Done up ; back-broken."

t The Netherlands were so called from 1795 to 1806 — from
their conquest by the French to the crowning of Louis Buona-
parte as King of Holland.

2l6

1797] TRAVELLER'S COMMENT

At six reached Nimeguen, which is my first halt.
Secured my place in the Utrecht diligence for to-
morrow morning. Walked about the town for an
hour. I am enchanted with it. I never saw any-
thing so neat and well kept, and a young German,
who is my fellow-traveller, assures me that, as we
proceed, I shall find the cleanliness and exactitude
increase. Passed by two or three corps de garde ;
the Dutch troops very handsome, fine fellows, and
extremely well kept.

April 22nd. Set out from Nimeguen in the
Utrecht diligence, between seven and eight. The
features of a Dutch landscape are an immense tract
of meadows, till the view is lost in the distance,
intersected either by deep and wide ditches, or
by fences of wicker, made as neat as basket work ;
large plantations of willows ; small brick farm-
houses, covered with red tiles, and in excellent
order ; here and there a chateau of a Seigneur,
surrounded by a garden in the true Dutch taste.
I am not sure that, for a small garden, that taste
is a bad one ; its neatness, exactitude, and regu-
larity agree admirably with what one expects to
find there. It is true it has not the picturesque
beauty of an English garden, but it has, notwith-
standing, its own merits, and, in short, I like it
well enough in miniature. In a Dutch garden all is
straight lines, and right angles ; in an English all
is sinuosity. The Dutch garden is that of a mathe-
matician, the English that of a poet. No question
217

A QUIET INTERVAL [1797

the English taste is far superior, but all I contend
for is, that the Dutch is not without its beauties,
and by no means merits the ^discriminating
ridicule which is attempted to be thrown upon
it. At eight, set off in the trakschuyt, a villain-
ous barge, which is to the grand canal packet
boat what a German post-wagon is to a neat,
well-hung English chariot. The grand cabin,
which is very small, being hired, I was stowed
away amongst the common lumber. We were
about thirty passengers, one half Jews, every man
with his pipe in mouth. I was suffocated ! I
thought my entry into the boat would have been
solemnized by a battle. Having nothing but
French money, when I came to pay for my passage
the skipper refused my coin, which threw me into
unspeakable confusion. A young Jew, seeing my
difficulty, offered to change me a piece of five
livres into Dutch money. I thanked him, and
accepted his offer. (It is to be observed that at par
the Dutch sol is exactly double the French, conse-
quently 100 French sous should procure 50 Dutch.)
But my Jew knew the course of exchange too well
for that traffic, and, taking my piece of ioo sous,
gravely handed me 38 sous cTHollande, by which
I should have lost exactly 24 sous. I was at first
rather surprised at his impudence, but, recollecting
myself immediately, I looked him mildly in the
face, and, with great gravity, required him in-
stantly to refund. Jew as he was, this threw him
218

i 7 97] A PEACEFUL ENDING

out of his play, and he immediately offered me
four sous cTHollande more. I told him that I per-
ceived he was a Hebrew, and that if he would give
me one hundred, he should not have the piece ;
on which he submitted. All this is matter of induce-
ment. (How the deuce came I to remember so
much law ?) Immediately after, a man would
enter the boat perforce, and sat himself down in the
lap of another, who repelled him with great
violence, and threw him upon me, just as I was
endeavouring to compose myself to sleep, of which
I had great need. I rose immediately, and, seizing
him by the collar, was proceeding to inflict an
unheard-of chastisement upon him, to which my
adventure of the Biscayneer at Trenton would
have been nothing, when my Jew, who had not
digested his affront and his loss, thought proper
to interfere, on which I instantly quit my antag-
onist and attacked the Hebrew with great violence.
All the world knows that a Dutch trakschuyt is a
most inconvenient scene for a battle : for, to go no
farther, it is, in the first place, impossible to stand
upright therein, and we were, besides, stowed away
in bulk, like so many herrings. I could, therefore,
do little more than swear and call names, which I
did in broken French, to the great astonishment of
the Dutchman and terror of the Israelite, whom
I threatened with I know not what degree of punish-
ment, which should make him an example for ever
to all the posterity of Abraham. He demanded
219

A QUIET INTERVAL [1797

pardon with great marks of contrition, which I
at length accorded him, and the intruder, who was
the first cause of the dispute, being turned out by
common consent, the tranquillity of the packet boat
was restored. My sleep was, however, fled, and
the smoking continued with great perseverance,
so that I was devoured with ennui. Opposite me
was placed a fat Dutchman, with his mistress, I
believe ; so, to divert myself, and support the
honour of the Republic, I determined to act the
Celadon with Mademoiselle, who did not know
one word of French. That did not, however,
prevent me from making great way in her good
graces, and Hans, who perceived he was losing
ground fast, very wisely determined to renounce
the contest, to which he found himself unequal,
pulled his cap down over his eyes and composed
himself to sleep. I laid my head down, without
ceremony, in the lap of Mademoiselle, and in five
minutes was as fast as a church. The lady followed
the example of her two lovers, and, in this manner,
at five in the morning we reached Amsterdam.
I certainly had no right in the world to tease
poor Hans ; but " Des Chevaliers Frangais tel est
le caracthe ; " besides that he seemed " not to be
made of penetrable stuff" I will not venture to say
as much of Mademoiselle, who, by-the-bye, was
very pretty.

April 23 rd. At six reached the Auberge VEtoile in
the Neuss or Neiss, for I am not sure of the orthog-
220

1797] IRISH NEWS

raphy, and got immediately into bed, of which
I had great occasion ; for I have not had a good
night's sleep since I left Cologne. Walked round
by the quays, which are kept, as everything else in
Holland, with astonishing neatness. Looked into
the cellars where the sailors eat. The cleanliness of
everything in them might tempt the appetite of a
prince. I thought of George's Quay, and " Ship's
kettles cooked here" with some little humiliation.
In point of cleanliness, to speak the truth, we are
most terribly behind the Dutch. Coffee-house and
the papers. It is fated that my national pride is
to be humbled to-day. In the Leyden Gazette I had
the mortification to read the following observation,
relative to the peaceful disarming of the province
of Ulster : " Quelques menacantes que soyent souvent
les dispositions des Irlandais, rarement on les a vu
produire de hien terribles effets." The devil of it is,
that the observation is too well founded. Fitz-
gibbon was right when he said that " We were a
people easily roused and easily appeased."

April 24th. I am more and more pleased with
Amsterdam ; it is the first city of the world to walk
in, and, in that respect, I prefer it infinitely either
to London or Paris. I know nothing in the world
of architecture, but I have scarcely ever been so
pleased with anything as with the Stadthuys of
Amsterdam. There is a set of bells in the dome
which ornaments the front of the building, that
execute airs and short pieces of music with an
221

A QUIET INTERVAL [1797

inconceivable precision. In general, I detest the
sound of a bell, so that when I was at the Temple
in London, surrounded by five or six churches, I
often wished myself in Turkey or some peaceable
Mahometan country, where bells are forbidden.
But the chimes of the Stadthuys are quite another
affair. I stood to-day twice, for nearly half an hour,
and listened to them with the greatest pleasure.
The hackney coaches are here fixed on sledges,
and drawn by one horse ; they are convenient
and ugly, but the horses are superb.

April 2$th. At the Coffee House : found
English papers down to the 14th instant ; nothing
material, but it was a great enjoyment to me.
Several United Irishmen acquitted, whose names,
however, are not mentioned. The outcry for
peace is universal, and petitions pouring in from
all parts to that effect. There is one from the City
of Dublin, moved by Grattan, and seconded by
Ponsonby, at an aggregate meeting of the citizens,
and carried without a dissenting voice. I see those
illustrious patriots are at last forced to bolt out
of the House of Commons, and come amongst
the people, as John Keogh advised Grattan to do
long since.*

* After Bantry Bay things in Ireland had become hotter and
hotter. Coercion was the order of the day, and Reform was
held off. " The Government," said Grattan afterwards, " was so
abominable, their measures were so violent, that no man would
sanction them. . . . They did not treat the people like rebel
Christians, but rebel dogs." Having tried to " combat the wild
222

1797] THE DUTCH PARLIAMENT

April 27th. Visited this morning the Convention
Batave ; it is held in the palace of the ci-devant
Stadtholder, in the room which was formerly the
ball-room, the orchestras whereof are converted
into tribunes, as they are called here and in France,
and galleries with us. The tribunes are open, and
no introduction by a member is necessary. The
room is handsome, but has nothing particularly
striking ; it is an oblong of, I judge, about 120
feet by 50, illuminated by six large, and as many
smaller windows, over the others, of plate glass.
The members, who are 126 in number, are placed
round the three sides of the room ; there are five
rows of benches, raised one above the other, covered
with green cloth ; every member has before him
paper, pens, and ink ; the places are all numbered,
and every fifteen days, at the election of the Presi-
dent, whose office lasts no longer, the members
draw for their seats, by which means they avoid
the denomination of right and left sides, Govern-
ment and Opposition sides, etc. They receive ten
florins a day, which is nearly the same pay as in
France, being about 16s. 8d. sterling, English. I
observed very few members who were not at least
thirty-five years of age, and most of them seemed
to me to be forty and upwards ; they wear no

spirit of democratic liberty by the regulated spirit of organized
liberty," he retired in despair with Ponsonby, Curran, and
others, following the example of Fox and his supporters in
England. (See Lecky, vol. iv., pages 64 and following.)
223

A QUIET INTERVAL [1797

distinctive mark of any kind. Altogether, I was ex-
tremely pleased with the decorum and appearance,
both of the assembly and auditors. The question
for discussion was, whether the Dutch people
should or should not be obliged, by the constitution,
to pay the clergy. I know not what may be, but
I know very well what ought to be, their decision.
In France, where there is no religion, there is no
salary fixed by law for the priests. In America,
where there is a great deal of religion, there is no
salary settled by law for the clergy. The Catholic
priests and the Dissenting ministers of Ireland are
paid by the voluntary subscriptions of their hearers,
and after all these examples I have no doubt as
to the inconvenience of a Church Establishment.
By-the-bye, there are several of the clergy members
of the Convention Batave ; I saw to-day one
Catholic priest and three Protestant ministers sitting
in their places, and the priest spoke in the debate ;
I know not what he said, but he made the assembly
laugh heartily. There are likewise some of the
noblesse in the Convention, and I find they do not
vote as a caste ; some of them are patriots, and
others aristocrats. All this information was given
me by an honest Dutch patriot, who, seeing me in
a French uniform, was so good as to do me the
honours of the assembly, and point out to me the
most distinguished members, particularly Van
Kastacle, who is the leader of the democratic
interest. It seems the principle which divides the
224

1797] Smoking the lawyers

assembly is unity or federalism. The democrats are
for the first, the aristocrats for the latter, and they
have succeeded in carrying their point in the plan
of the intended constitution ; but my Dutch friend
tells me he hopes that for that very reason the
constitution will be rejected by the people, in their
primary assemblies. He likewise informed me that,
under the intended constitution, the clergy are
to be excluded from seats in the Legislature ; and
that he wished to God they would exclude the
lawyers also, who were intriguers and caballers,
and from being more in the habit of public speaking,
and confounding right and wrong, were often able
to confute and silence honester and abler men than
themselves. I could not help laughing internally
at this sketch of my ci-devant brethren of the Dutch
bar. I find a lawyer is a lawyer all over the world.
The most scandalously corrupt and unprincipled
body, politically speaking, that I ever knew, was
the Irish bar ; I was a black sheep in their body,
and I bless God that I am well rid of them ; rot
them ! I hate the very memory of the Four
Courts, even at this distance. Well, with God's
blessing, no man will ever see me again in a black
gown and nonsensical big wig ; so let the profession
of the law go and be hanged, I am happily done
with it. To return : I have now seen the Parlia-
ment of Ireland, the Parliament of England, the
Congress of the United States of America, the
Corps Legislatif of France, and the Convention
(M09) 225 17

A QUIET INTERVAL [1797

Batave ; I have likewise seen our shabby Volunteer
Convention in 1783, and the General Committee
of the Catholics in 1793 ; so that I have seen, in the
way of deliberative bodies, as many I believe as
most men ; and of all those I have mentioned,
beyond all comparison the most shamelessly prof-
ligate and abandoned by all sense of virtue,
principle, or even common decency, was the legis-
lature of my own unfortunate country ; the
scoundrels, I lose my temper every time I think of
them. Returned to my auberge, somewhat afflicted
with the blue devils ; remembered one of Voltaire's
precepts in such cases. " Ou bien buvez ; cest un
parti fort sage ; " determined to put it in practice.
Got off my boots and coat, got into my wrapper
and slippers, and determined to enjoy myself.
I do not see why I should come to the Hague
without tasting some Holland gin. " The liquor,
when alive, whose very smell I did detest and loathe."
Called for gin, water, and sugar, " on which the
waiter disappeared, and returned instantly with the
noggin" Performed the part of Lord B. with
infinite address ; drank " to the health of my
dearest love ; " " our friends in Ireland ; ** " the
French Republic, with three times three ; " "a
speedy Republic to Ireland, with loud and universal
acclamations ; " " General Hoche, and the army of
Sambre et Meuse" The evening concluded with the
utmost festivity.
April 2Uh. As I am about to leave the Hague
226

1797] IN CHEERFUL MOOD

to-morrow, bought the Traveller's Guide, in order
to amuse myself in the boat by reading what I ought
to have seen whilst I was there. I do not much
see the good sense of my purchase, but I perceive
I am of that class, respectable at least for its numbers,
who are celebrated for their facility in parting with
their money, of which, by the bye, it may be sup-
posed I am not just now afflicted with a prodigious
quantity. After dinner a concert, as yesterday, but
the band was differently composed : " On ny
voyait ni tetons ni beaux yeux." In plain English,
the performers were men, except one woman,
who sung, agreeably, two or three duos, the other
part being performed by a little bossu, about three
feet high, but who was penetrated to the very soul
by his own music. I was exceedingly amused by
his style of singing and acting ; for he acted also,
and, at the end of the concert, gave him a trifle for
himself. I could not help thinking what a choice
morceau Sterne would have made out of one of these
concerts and this poor little bossu, who seemed a
sort of enthusiast in his art. These ambulant
musicians are nothing, if you think of the opera ;
but if you think of the ballad singers of other
countries, they are highly respectable, and, in fact,
I remarked two or three among them whom I
would have been very glad to equal on their
instruments. After dinner strolled out about the
Hague : " People may say this and that of being in
Newgate, but, for my part, I find Holland as pleasant
227

A QUIET INTERVAL [1797

a place as ever I was in in my life." It is delicious.
I am tempted, as I walk about the Hague, to cry
out, " Thou almost persuadest me to be a Dutchman"

May 1st. Arrived at Lemmer at eight in the
morning, and set off instantly in the trakschuyt for
Strobosch ; a delightful day and beautiful breeze
all the way ; immense quantities of game all along
the canal. Planned a voyage, to be executed, God
knows when, by my wife, Russell, and myself;
to hire a trakschuyt for a month certain, to go where
we liked, and stop when we liked, to live aboard
our boat, to bring guns, fishing tackle, etc., and in
this manner make a tour through a great part of
Holland. It would be delicious ; "a very pretty
journey indeed ', and besides, where is the money ? " O
Lord ! O Lord !

May 2nd. Arrived at Groninguen at twelve
o'clock ; the town extremely neat, like all the
Dutch towns, but not as handsome as most of
those I have seen ; put up at the Nieuwe Minister.

May yd to 6th. Tormented with the most
terrible apprehensions on account of the absence
of my dearest love, about whom I hear nothing ;
walked out every day to the canal, two or three
times a day, to meet the boats coming from
Nieuschans, where she will arrive. No love ! no
love ! I never was so unhappy in all my life.

May qth. At last, this day, in the evening, as I
was taking my usual walk along the canal, I had
the unspeakable satisfaction to see my dearest love
228

i 7 97] A LOVING REUNION

and our little babies, my sister and her husband,
all arrive safe and well ; it is impossible to describe
the pleasure I felt. (Here is an end of my journals
now, for some time at least.) Since I came to
France, which is now above fourteen months,
I have continued them pretty regularly for the
amusement of my dearest love. As we are now
together once more they become unnecessary ; we
must wait for another separation.

229

XVI

THE DUTCH SCHEME OF INVASION

Written aboard the " Vryheid" of '74 guns, commanded
by Admiral De Winter, at the Texel, July 10,
1797.

It is a long time since I have made a memoran-
dum, notwithstanding I have been fully employed ;
but the fact is, I have had too much business. All
I can now do is to make an imperfect abstract of
what has passed, that is most material, in the last
month.

June 12th. Quartier-General at Friedberg. This
evening the General called me into the garden
and told me he had some good news for me. He
then asked, " Did I know one Lewines * I * * I
answered I did, perfectly well, and had a high
opinion of his talents and patriotism. ' Well/'
said he, "he is at Neuwied, waiting to see you ;

* Edward John Lewins (1756-1828), an attorney, had been
sent in April to Hamburg to reopen negotiations begun in
1796 by Lord Edward Fitzgerald and Arthur O'Connor. Later
he became Inspector of Studies at the University of Paris ;
where he died, and was buried with honour, in 1828.

230

1797] HOCHE AGAIN

you must set off to-morrow morning : when you
join him, you must go together to Treves, and wait
for further orders." The next morning I set off,
and, on the 14th, in the evening, reached —

June 14th, Neuwied ; where I found Lewines
waiting for me. I cannot express the unspeakable
satisfaction I felt at seeing him. I cannot pretend
to detail his conversation, which occupied us fully
during our stay at Neuwied, and our journey to —

June ijth, Treves ; where we arrived on the 17th.
His instructions are to apply to France, Holland,
and Spain. Lewines , instructions are to demand of
Spain .£500,000 sterling and 30,000 stand of arms.
At Treves, on the 19th, Dalton, the General's aide-
de-camp, came express with orders for us to return
to —

June 21st, Coblentz ; where we arrived on the
2 1 st, and met General Hoche. He told us that, in
consequence of the arrival of Lewines, he had sent
off Simon, one of his Adjutant-Generals, who was
of our late expedition, in order to press the Execu-
tive Directory and Minister of the Marine. He
showed Lewines Simon's letter, which contained
the assurance of the Directory " that they would
make no peace with England wherein the interests
of Ireland should not be fully discussed agreeably
to the wishes of the people of that country." Tins
is a very strong declaration, and has most probably
been produced by a demand made by Lewines
in his memorial, " that the French Government
231

THE DUTCH SCHEME OF INVASION [1797

should make it an indispensable condition of peace,
that all the British troops be withdrawn from
Ireland, and the people left at full liberty to declare
whether they wished to continue the connection
with England or not." General Hoche then told
us not to be discouraged by the arrival of a British
negotiator, for that the Directory were determined
to make no peace but on conditions which would
put it out of the power of England longer to arro-
gate to herself the commerce of the world, and
dictate her laws to all the maritime powers. He
added, that preparations were making also in
Holland for an expedition, the particulars of which
he would communicate to us in two or three days,
and, in the meantime, he desired us to attend him
to —

June 24th, Cologne ; for which place we set off,
and arrived the 24th.

June 2$th. At nine o'clock at night the General
sent us a letter from General Daendels,*Commander-
in-chief of the army of the Batavian Republic. In
consequence of this I waited on the General, whom
I found in his bed in the Cour Imperiale, and re-
ceived his orders to set off with Lewines without
loss of time, and attend him at —

June 27th, The Hague.

June 2%th. This morning, at ten, Lewines and

* Hermann Willem Daendels (1762-1818) fought in 1793
under Dumouriez. He became Governor-General of Batavia
under Louis Buonaparte.

232

1797] REMOVING OBSTACLES

I went with General Hoche to the Committee for
Foreign Affairs, which we found sitting. General
Hoche began by stating extremely well the history
of our affairs, since he had interested himself in
them ; he pressed, in the strongest manner that
we could wish, the advantages to be reaped from
the emancipation of Ireland, the almost certainty
of success if the attempt were once made, and the
necessity of attempting it, if at all, immediately.
It was Citizen Hahn who replied to him. He said
he was heartily glad to find the measure sanctioned
by so high an opinion as that of General Hoche ;
that originally the object of the Dutch Government
was to have invaded England, in order to have
operated a diversion in favour of the French army,
which it was hoped would have been in Ireland ;
that circumstances being totally changed in that
regard, they had yielded to the wishes of the French
Government, and resolved to go into Ireland ; that,
for this purpose, they had made the greatest exer-
tions, and had now at the Texel an armament of
16 sail of the line, to frigates, 15,000 troops in the
best condition, 80 pieces of artillery, and pay for
the whole for three months ; but that a difficulty
had been raised within a few days, in consequence
of a requisition of the Minister of Marine, Truguet,
who wished to have 5,000 French troops, instead
of so many Dutch, to be disembarked in conse-
quence. General Hoche immediately replied, that,
such being the case, he would take on himself to
233

THE DUTCH SCHEME OF INVASION [1797

withdraw the demand of the Minister of Marine,
and satisfy the Directory as to the justice of their
observations ; and that he hoped, all difficulty on
that head being removed, they would press the
embarkation without a moment's delay. It was
easy to see the most lively satisfaction on all their
faces at this declaration of General Hoche, which
certainly does him the greatest honour. General
Daendels, especially, was beyond measure delighted.
They told us then that they hoped all would be
ready in a fortnight, and Hahn observed, at the
same time, that, as there was an English squadron
which appeared almost every day at the mouth of
the Texel, it was very much to be desired that the
Brest fleet should, if possible, put to sea, in order
to draw off at least a part of the British fleet,
because, from the position of the Texel, the Dutch
fleet was liable to be attacked in detail in sailing
out of the port ; and even if they beat the enemy,
it would not be possible to proceed, as they must
return to refit. A member of the Committee — I
believe it was Van Leyden — then asked us, suppos-
ing everything succeeded to our wish, what was
the definite object of the Irish people ? To which
we replied categorically, that it was to throw off
the yoke of England, break for ever the connection
now existing with that country, and constitute
ourselves a free and independent people. They all
expressed their satisfaction at this reply, and Van
Leyden observed that he had travelled through
234

1797] TONE COMMITTED TO THE INVASION

Ireland, and to judge from the luxury of the rich,
and extreme misery of the poor, no country in
Europe had so crying a necessity for a revolution.
To which Lewines and I replied, as is most religi-
ously the truth, that one great motive of our
conduct in this business was the conviction of the
wretched state of our peasantry, and the determina-
tion, if possible, to amend it. The political object
of our visit being now nearly ascertained, Hahn,
in the name of the Committee, observed that he
hoped either Lewines or I would be of the expedi-
tion, as our presence with the General would be
indispensable. To which Hoche replied " that I
was ready to go," and he made the offer, on my
part, in a manner peculiarly agreeable to my
feelings. It was then fixed that I should set off
for the army of Sambre et Meuse for my trunk, and
especially for my papers, and that Lewines should
remain at the Hague, at the orders of the Com-
mittee, until my return, which might be seven or
eight days. The meeting then broke up. We
could not possibly desire to find greater attention
to us, personally, or, which was far more important,
greater zeal and anxiety to forward this expedition,
in which the Dutch Government has thrown itself
" a corps perdu." They venture no less than the
whole of their army and navy. As Hoche expressed
it, " they are like a man stripped to his breeches,
who has one shilling left, which he throws in the
lottery, in the hope of being enabled to buy a coat."
235

THE DUTCH SCHEME OF INVASION [1797

July i st. In the Gazette of that day there was
a proclamation of Buonaparte's, addressed to the
Government of Genoa, which I thought most
grossly improper and indecent, as touching on the
indispensable rights of the people. I read the most
obnoxious passages to Hoche, and observed, that
if Buonaparte commanded in Ireland, and were to
publish there so indiscreet a proclamation, it would
have a most ruinous effect ; that in Italy such
dictation might pass, but never in Ireland, where we
understood our rights too well to submit to it.
Hoche answered me, " I understand you, but you
may be at ease in that respect ; Buonaparte has
been my scholar, but he shall never be my master/ '
He then launched out into a very severe critique
on Buonaparte's conduct, which certainly has
latterly been terribly indiscreet, to say no worse
of it, and observed that, as to his victories, it was
easy to gain victories with such troops as he com-
manded, especially when the General made no
difficulty to sacrifice the lives of his soldiers, and
that these victories had cost the Republic 200,000
men. A great deal of what Hoche said was very
true, but I could see at the bottom of it a very great
jealousy of Buonaparte. I am also sorry to see
the latter losing so fast that spirit of moderation
which did him as much honour at first as his
victories.

July 8th. Arrived early in the morning at the
Texel.

236

1797] THE EVIL WIND AGAIN

July i$th. The human mind, or at least my mind,
is a singular machine. I am here in a situation
extremely interesting, and on the result of which
everything most dear to me as a man and a citizen
depends, and yet I find myself in a state of in-
difference, or rather apathy, which I cannot myself
comprehend. My sole amusement is reading an
odd volume of Voltaire's, which I found by chance ;
and, for our expedition, I declare I think no more of
it than if it were destined for Japan, which
indifference, on my part, as I have already said,
I cannot comprehend, but so it is. Yesterday I
wrote to my wife, enclosing a bill which Admiral
De Winter accepted for 250 florins, " moyennant"
the like sum paid into his hands ; also to General
Hoche, to Mr. Shee, to my sister, and to Lewines.
I have now finished all my business, and to-
morrow, I understand, we put to sea if the wind
permits. It is strange, but I feel as if I were to
set out in the trakschuyt from the Hague, to go
to Amsterdam.

July 16th. The Admiral summoned this morning
all the Admirals and Captains of the fleet, and gave
them their last instructions, which were, that the
frigates of forty-four guns should fall into the line ;
that they should fight to the last extremity, even
to sinking of their vessels, in which case they were
to take to their boats ; that if any Captain were to
attempt to break the line and hang back the others
should immediately fire on him. This is resolute
237

THE DUTCH SCHEME OF INVASION [1797

of De Winter, and I have every reason to think his
fleet will second him. He has in the meantime sent
off a courier to the Government to announce all
this, and, if the wind springs up in our favour, we
will set off instantly without waiting for the
answer.

July 18th. The wind is as foul as possible this
morning ; it cannot be worse. Hell ! Hell ! Hell !
Allah ! Allah ! Allah ! I am in a most devouring
rage ! Well, what can't be cured must be endured,
as our ancestors have wisely remarked. It is most
terrible to be locked up by the wind as we are now.

July 19th. Wind foul still. Horrible! Horrible!
Admiral De Winter and I endeavour to pass away
the time playing the flute, which he does very well ;
we have some good duets, and that is some relief.
It is, however, impossible to conceive anything
more irksome than waiting, as we now are, on the
wind ; what is still worse, the same wind which
locks us up here is exactly favourable for the arrival
of reinforcements to Duncan, if Lord Spencer means
to send him any. Naval expeditions are terrible
for their uncertainty.

July 20th. This evening I had the pleasure to
count nineteen sail of British vessels, which passed
the mouth of the Texel under an easy sail. The
General assures me, however, that there are not
above twelve sail of the line among them, according
to the comparison of the best accounts which have
been received. Wind foul, as usual.
238

1797] LOST OPPORTUNITIES

July 21st, 22nd, 23rd. I pass my time here in an
absolute torpor. When I was at Brest I was bad
enough, but at least we had some conversation.
But here — well, etc. The wind is, to-day, at
N.W., which is not quite so execrable as yesterday
and the day before. With a N.N.E. wind the
Admiral says we might get out ; ergo, we want
yet six points of the compass. Damn it to all
eternity for me. Was there ever anything so
terrible ? Wrote to my wife on the 21st instant.

July 29th. This morning the wind is fair, but so
little of it that we cannot stir.

July 20th, 31st. Blank.

August 1st, 2nd. Everything goes on here from
bad to worse, and I am tormented and unhappy
more than I can express, so that I hate even to make
these memorandums. Well, it cannot be helped.
Wind still S.W. Damn it ! damn it ! damn it !
I am, to-day, twenty-five days aboard, and at a
time when twenty-five hours are of importance.
There seems to be a fate in this business. Five
weeks, I believe six weeks, the English fleet was
paralysed by the mutinies at Portsmouth, Plymouth,
and the Nore. The sea was open, and nothing to
prevent both the Dutch and French fleets to put
to sea. Well, nothing was ready ; that precious
opportunity, which we can never expect to return,
was lost ; and now that at last we are ready here,
the wind is against us, the mutiny is quelled, and
we are sure to be attacked by a superior force. At
239

THE DUTCH SCHEME OF INVASION [1797

Brest it is, I fancy, still worse. Had we been in
Ireland at the moment of the insurrection at the
Nore, we should, beyond a doubt, have had at
least that fleet, and God only knows the influence
which such an event might have had on the whole
British navy. The destiny of Europe might have
been changed for ever ; but, as I have already said,
that great occasion is lost, and we must now do as
well as we can. " Le vin est tire, ilfaut le boire."

August 3rd, \th. Wind foul. Proposed to-day
to the Admiral to try an experiment in firing shells
from the lower-deck guns. He said he thought
it would not answer, but that he would try not-
withstanding. Nine at night, tried the shell with a
thirty-six pounder, and found it answer famously.

August $th. Wind still foul, viz., W.S.W.

August 6th, 7th, 8th. Wind foul. Last night,
when the General and I were walking alone on the
quarter-deck and cursing the wind, he began to
mention his apprehensions on the score of our
provisions rurining short, as well as the danger of
attempting the passage north about so late in the
season, and he began to moot again the point about
Yarmouth. I said, that if unfortunately we were
detained so far in the season as to render the Irish
expedition utterly impracticable, it was undoubtedly
desirable to do something in England, as well for the
glory of the Dutch arms as that all the expense
hitherto incurred in the affair might not be lost.
That in that case my idea was to run over to the
240

1797] ALTERNATIVE PLANS

English coast and debark the army, not at Yar-
mouth, but at Harwich, or nearer London if
possible ; to carry nothing with us but bread for
six days and ammunition ; to make a desperate
plunge, by forced marches, for the capital, where
I did not consider it impossible to arrive before the
enemy could be in sufficient force to oppose us,
supposing the eastern coast to be as unfurnished
of troops as Lowry and Tennant had represented.
That if we were once there, we might defy all the
force of England ; for, if they were assembled to
the number of 100,000 in Hyde Park, we could at
all times make conditions by threatening, in case
they drove us to extremity, to set fire to the city
at the four corners and defend ourselves afterwards
to the last man ; that I had no doubt but with such
a pledge in our hands we might make our own
terms. I mentioned likewise, as a subordinate
circumstance, that if we once reached London we
should to a certainty find a strong reinforcement,
inasmuch as a large portion of the mob, and these
very desperate fellows, consisted of Irishmen to the
amount of many thousands, who I was sure would
desire nothing more than to have their will of the
English. All these arguments seemed, however,
to make no great impression on Daendels, who still
recurred to his Yarmouth scheme. He seems to me
to expect some co-operation there, on what
grounds I know not ; but I fancy he will find

himself egregiously deceived. If anything can be
(4,409) 24I j 8

THE DUTCH SCHEME OF INVASION [1797

done in England it must be, in my mind, by a " coup
de main.

August 13th. The wind is as foul as ever, viz.,
S.W., in or near which point it has now continued
thirty-six days that I am aboard, viz., since the
8th of July last. (At night.) The General and I have
been poring over the map of England, and he has
been mooting a plan which, in my mind, is flat
nonsense — viz., to land at or near Lynn, in Lincoln-
shire, with his 14,000 men, where he thinks he could
maintain himself until the fleet could return and
bring him a reinforcement of as many more, and
then march upon London and stand a battle.

August iSth. This morning we have had the
same scene repeated which has happened to us once
or twice already. At four or five in the morning
the wind came round to the east ; the signal was
given to prepare to get under way, the capstan was
manned, one anchor heaved, and the other hove
short to be ready for the tide ; the Admiral and
General prepared their dispatches, and I wrote to
my wife. At nine, at length the wind slackened,
and at ten came round to the old point, S.W.,
where it stuck ; so there was an end of the business.
I have been so often and so long disappointed that
I am now used to it ; I therefore bore this very
quietly. To console me, I received a letter from
my wife, which gave me unspeakable satisfaction.
Thank God she is well, and my poor little babies.
May God Almighty bless them all !
242

1797] YET ANOTHER PLAN

August 21st. Breakfasted with the General. He
had prepared a memorial, which he showed me,
for a new arrangement, which is shortly this :
To sail out and fight Admiral Duncan. If the issue
of the battle be favourable, to pass over immediately
15,000 men, or as many more as we can send, in
everything that will swim, to Scotland ; to seize,
in the first instance, on Edinburgh, and march right
on Glasgow, taking every possible means to alarm
the enemy with the idea that we meant to penetrate
by the North of England, which is to be done by
detaching flying parties, making requisitions, etc.,
on that side ; to maintain ourselves meantime
behind the canal which joins the Firth of Forth to
the Clyde, having our right at Dumbarton and
our left at Falkirk, as well as I can remember, for I
have not at present either the map or the memorial
before me ; to collect all the vessels in the Clyde,
and pass over the army to the North of Ireland ;
to send round, whilst these military operations were
going on by land, the frigates and such transports,
as few as possible, as might be necessary to carry
over the artillery, stores, etc. Finally, that the
English would probably be alarmed by all this for
their own country, and perhaps recall a part of their
troops from Ireland, which would very much
facilitate the success of the enterprise.

September 1st. A new system, rendered indis-
pensable by the course of events, has been men-
tioned to me to-day by the General, which will
243

THE DUTCH SCHEME OF INVASION [1797

probably oblige me to make a course to the head-
quarters of the army of Sambre et Meuse, and from
thence to Paris.

September 2nd, yd. This day the General gave
me my instructions to set off to join General Hoche
at Wetzlar, and give him a copy of the memorial
containing the plan already mentioned.

September 4th to 12th. These eight days I spent
on the road 'twixt Alkmaer and Wetzlar.

September 13th. This day I saw General Hoche,
who is just returned from Frankfort ; he has been
very ill with a violent cold, and has still a cough,
which makes me seriously uneasy about him ;
he does not seem to apprehend anything himself,
but I should not be surprised, for my part, if in
three months he were in a rapid consumption. He
is dreadfully altered, and has a dry, hollow cough,
that is distressing to the last degree to hear. I im-
mediately explained to him the cause of my arrival,
gave him Daendels' plan and the map of Scotland,
and such further elucidation as I was able in con-
versation. He then told me that he would take it
into his most serious consideration, and let me know
the result in three or four days ; in the meantime,
I am to attend to his orders.

September 15th, 16th, ijth. The General's health
is in a most alarming state, and nobody here seems
to suspect it — at least, to the extent that I do.

September iSth, igth. My fears with regard to
Hoche were but too well founded. He died this
244

1797] TONE IN PARIS

morning at four o'clock. His lungs seemed to me
quite gone. This most unfortunate event has so
confounded, and distressed me, that I know not
what to think nor what will be the consequences.
Wrote to my wife and to General Daendels in-
stantly. Yesterday Simon, by the General's orders,
after communicating with me, wrote to the Minister
for Foreign Affairs, and of the Marine, but I know
not to what effect.

September 20th, 21st. The death of General
Hoche having broken my connection with the
army of Sambre et Meuse, where I have no longer
any business, I applied this day (20th) for an order
to set off for Paris, which I obtained instantly from
General Lefebvre, who commands in chief per
interim. Set off at four o'clock, and travelled all
night ; arrived at twelve on the 21st at Coblentz,
and at night at Bonn.

N.B. — November 21st. It is to-day upwards of
two months since I made a memorandum, which
is downright scandalous. The peace is at last
concluded with the Emperor, and England only
remains.* With the conditions of the peace, strictly
speaking, I have nothing to do, my great object and
wish being confined to the prostration of English
tyranny. Yet it is a great satisfaction to me to see

* The peace of Campo Formic " And England only re-
mained " without an ally, as France without an active enemy,
but the English navy, reorganized after the mutiny at the Nore,
was still superior even to the combined fleets of Spain, France,
and Holland.

245

THE DUTCH SCHEME OF INVASION [1797

that they are as favourable as I think any reasonable
man can desire. The Cisalpine Republic is ac-
knowledged, and I fancy we have got the Rhine
for our limit. Venice goes to the Emperor, which
is bad, if it could be helped, but we cannot get
everything. General Berthier was the bearer of
this great news. Firing of cannon, bonfires, illu-
minations — Paris was that day in great glory.

It is singular enough that I should have forgotten
to mention in its place the famous battle fought on
the nth of October between the English fleet,
under Admiral Duncan and the Dutch commanded
by De Winter. It shows the necessity of making
memorandums on the moment. There never was
a more complete victory than that gained by the
English. The fleets were equal in number, but they
had the advantage in number of guns and weight
of metal. De Winter fought like a Hon, and de-
fended himself to the last extremity, but was at
length forced to strike, as were nine of his fleet out
of sixteen, whereof it consisted. With him were
taken the Admirals Reyntzies, who is since dead,
and Meurer. Bloys lost his right arm, and Story
is the only one who came off clear ; the two last
were not taken. I cannot conceive why the Dutch
Government sent out their fleet at that season,
without motive or object, as far as I can learn. My
opinion is, that it is direct treason, and that the fleet
was sold to Pitt, and so think Barras, Pleville le
Peley, and even Meyer, the Dutch Ambassador,
246

1797] COLLAPSE OF THE DUTCH SCHEME

whom I have seen once or twice. It was well
I was not on board the Vryheid. If I had, it would
have been a pretty piece of business. I fancy I am
not to be caught at sea by the English ; for this
is the second escape I have had, and by land I mock
myself of them.

November 26th to 29th. This day received my
arrears for four months, so now I am at my ease
as to cash — 2,330 livres.

247

XVII
LEWINES TAKES OVER. BUONAPARTE

December nth and 12th. Called this day, with
Lewines, on General Desaix,* and gave him Taylor's
map of Ireland. He tells us to be under no anxiety ;
that the French Government will never quit the
grip which they have got of England, till they
humble her to the dust ; that it is their wish, and
their interest (that of all France, as well as of Ire-
land) ; that the Government now had means, and
powerful ones, particularly money, and they would
devote them all to this great object ; it might be a
little sooner or a little later, but that the success of
the measure was inevitable. Barras has lately, in
one or two different conversations, gone as far with
Lewines as Desaix with me.

December 18th to 21st. General Desaix brought
Lewines and me this morning and introduced us
to Buonaparte, at his house in the Rue Chante-
reine. He lives in the greatest simplicity ; his

* Louis Ch. A. Desaix de Veygoux (1768-1800), crowned a
notable career by his campaign in Egypt. He was killed at
Marengo, where he arrived just in time to turn the scale in
favour of Buonaparte.

248

1797] TONE MEETS BUONAPARTE

house is small, but neat, and all the furniture and
ornaments in the most classical taste. He is about
five feet six inches high, slender, and well made,
but stoops considerably ; he looks at least ten years
older than he is, owing to the great fatigues he
underwent in his immortal campaign of Italy. His
face is that of a profound thinker, but bears no
marks of that great enthusiasm and unceasing
activity by which he has been so much distinguished.
It is rather, to my mind, the countenance of a
mathematician than of a General. He has a fine
eye, and a great firmness about his mouth ; he
speaks low and hollow. So much for his manner
and figure. We had not much discourse with him,
and what little there was, was between him and
Lewines, to whom, as our Ambassador, I gave the
pas. We told him that Tennant * was about to de-
part for Ireland, and was ready to charge himself
with his orders if he had any to give. He desired us
to bring him the same evening, and so we took our
leave. In the evening we returned with Tennant,
and Lewines had a good deal of conversation with
him ; that is to say, Lewines insensed him a good deal
on Irish affairs, of which he appears a good deal
uninformed : for example, he seems convinced
that our population is not more than two millions,
which is nonsense. Buonaparte listened, but said

* John Tennant, a United Irishman of Belfast, had arrived in
Holland in August. He later joined the French army and was
killed in 1 8 13, in battle.

249

LEWINES TAKES OVER. BUONAPARTE ti797

very little. When all this was finished he desired
that Tennant might put off his departure for a few
days, and then, turning to me, asked whether I
was not an Adjutant-General. To which I answered
that I had the honour to be attached to General
Hoche in that capacity. He then asked me where
I had learned to speak French. To which I replied,
that I had learned the little that I knew since my
arrival in France, about twenty months ago. He
then desired us to return the next evening but one,
at the same hour, and so we parted. As to my
French, I am ignorant whether it was the purity
or the barbarism of my diction which drew his
attention, and as I shall never inquire, it must
remain as an historical doubt, to be investigated
by the learned of future ages.

December 23rd. Called this evening on Buona-
parte, by appointment, with Tennant and Lewines,
and saw him for about five minutes. Lewines gave
him a copy of the memorials I delivered to the
Government in February, 1796 (nearly two years
ago), and which, fortunately, have been well
verified in every material fact, by everything that
has taken place in Ireland since. He also gave
him Taylor's map, and showed him half a dozen
of Hoche's letters, which Buonaparte read over.
He then desired us to return in two or three days,
with such documents relating to Ireland as we were
possessed of, and, in the meantime, that Tennant
should postpone his departure. We then left him.
250

1797-981 THE GREATEST MAN IN EUROPE

His manner is cold, and he speaks very little ; it is
not, however, so dry as that of Hoche, but seems
rather to proceed from languor than anything else.
He is perfectly civil, however, to us ; but, from
anything we have yet seen or heard from him, it is
impossible to augur anything good or bad. We
have now seen the greatest man in Europe three
times, and I am astonished to think how little I
have to record about him. I am sure I wrote ten
times as much about my first interview with
Charles De la Croix, but then I was a greenhorn ;
I am now a little used to see great men, and great
statesmen, and great generals, and that has, in some
degree, broke down my admiration. Yet, after all,
it is a droll thing that I should become acquainted
with Buonaparte. This time twelve months, I
arrived in Brest, from my expedition to Bantry
Bay. Well, the third time, they say, is the charm.
My next chance, I hope, will be with the Armee
cTAngleterre — Allons ! Vive la Republique ! I make
no memorandums now at all, which is grievous ;
but I have nothing to write.

January 2nd to 6th. Called on my old friend
General Clarke, who is at last returned to Paris :
his close connection with Carnot * has thrown him
out of employment, and I am heartily sorry for it :
for I have a very good opinion of him. He is,
however, very well with Buonaparte, to whom
he tells me he has spoken of me in the strongest
* Carnot had, meanwhile, been proscribed.
251

LEWINES TAKES OVER. BUONAPARTE [1798

manner, for which I feel most sincerely obliged.
Buonaparte, among other things, asked him whom
he had most confidence in as to Irish affairs, and
Clarke answered, " In me, by all means ; " I
thanked Clarke heartily for all this, and, at the same
time, explained to him the nature of Lewines'
mission, and my wish to cede him the pas on all
occasions ; we talked a great deal of Hoche, of our
Bantry Bay expeditions, and parted the best of
friends in the world ; I was very glad to see Clarke,
and it is a great loss and pity he is not employed.

January 6th to 13 th. Saw Buonaparte this evening
with Lewines, who delivered him a whole sheaf
of papers relative to Ireland, including my two
memorials of 1795, great part of which stands good
yet. After Lewines had had a good deal of discourse
with him, I mentioned the affair of McKenna, who
desires to be employed as Secretary. Buonaparte
observed that he believed the world thought he
had fifty secretaries, whereas he had but one ; of
course there was an end of that business ; however,
he bid me see what the man was fit for, and let
him know. I took this opportunity to mention
the desire all the Refugee United Irishmen now in
Paris had to bear a part in the expedition, and the
utility they would be of in case of a landing in
Ireland. He answered that they would all be
undoubtedly employed, and desired me to give
him in, for that purpose, a list of their names.
Finally, I spoke of myself, telling him that General
252

1798] NAPPER TANDY

Desaix had informed me that I was carried on the
tableau of the Armee d'Angleterre ; he said " I was."
I then observed that I did not pretend to be of the
smallest use to him whilst we were in France, but
that I hoped to be serviceable to him on the other
side of the water ; that I did not give myself to
him at all for a military man, having neither the
knowledge nor the experience that would justify
me in charging myself with any function. " Mais
vous etes brave" said he, interrupting me. I replied
that, when the occasion presented itself, that would
appear ; " Eh bien" said he, " cela suffit." We then
took our leave.

February ist. The number of Irish refugees is
considerably increased. We all do very well except
Napper Tandy, who is not behaving correctly. It
is sufficient to say that Tandy took on him to sum-
mon a meeting of the Irish refugees, at which
Lewines and I were to be arraigned, on I know not
what charges, by himself and Quigley. Lewines
refused to attend, but I went, and when I appeared,
there was no one found to bring forward a charge
against me, though I called three times to know
" whether any person had anything to offer."
He is, I fancy, pestering the Government here with
applications and memorials, and gives himself out
for an old officer, and a man of great property in
Ireland, as I judge from what General Murat said
to me in speaking of him the other night at Buona-
parte's. He asked me did I know one Tandy,
253

LEWINES TAKES OVER. BUONAPARTE ti798

" un ancien militaire, nest ce pas ? " I said I did
know him, but could not say that he was exactly
" un ancien militaire, as he had never served but in
the Volunteer corps of Ireland, a body which re-
sembled pretty much the Garde nationale of France
at the beginning of the Revolution." " Mais cest
un tres riche proprietaire." I told him I believed he
was always in easy circumstances ; and there the
discourse ended. By this I see how he is showing
himself off here. He has got lately a coadjutor in
the famous Thomas Muir,* who is arrived at Paris,
and has inserted two or three very foolish articles,
relating to the United Irishmen, in the Paris papers,
in consequence of which, at a meeting of the
United Irishmen, now in Paris, with the exception
of Tandy, it was settled that Lowry, Orr, Lewines,
and myself should wait upon Muir, and, after
thanking him for his good intentions, intreat him
not to introduce our business into any publications
which he might hereafter think proper to make.
Accordingly, we waited on him a few days since,
but of all the vain, obstinate blockheads that ever
I met, I never saw his equal. So that, after a dis-
cussion of nearly three hours, we were obliged to
come away re infecta, except that we gave Mr. Muir

* Thomas Muir (1765-98), the Scottish Parliamentary re-
former, arrested for reading at Edinburgh a seditious paper by
Hamilton Rowan ; he left for France. On his return he was
taken, tried, and sentenced to fourteen years transportation.
Rescued from Botany Bay, he arrived, after some extraordinary
adventures, in France, where he died eight months later.
254

1798] THE POPE IS EXILED

notice, that he had neither license nor authority to
speak in the name of the People of Ireland, and that
if we saw any similar productions to those of which
we complained, we should be obliged to take
measures that would conduce neither to his ease
nor respectability ; for that we could not suffer
the public to be longer abused. On these terms we
parted very drily on both sides. The fact is, Muir
and Tandy are puffing one another here for their
private advantage ; they are supporting themselves
by endorsing each other's credit, and issuing, if I
may say so, accommodation bills of reputation.
This conversation has given the coup de grace
to Tandy, with his countrymen here, and he
is now in a manner completely in Coventry.
He deserves it. These details are hardly worth
writing, but as there may be question of the
business hereafter, I thought I might as well put
them down.

March ist. An event has taken place of a magni-
tude scarce if at all inferior in importance to that of
the French Revolution. The Pope is dethroned
and in exile.* The circumstances relating to this

* Pius VI. (period of office, 1775-99) reigned during difficult
years. With Christendom he faced the new wave of rationalism
and anti-clericalism. He refused to accept the Constitution
civile du Clerge', threw in his lot with the allies, and, as Tone
records, was removed from Rome in '98 ; he died in exile.
These remarks of Tone show that he had been deeply affected
by the current extreme development of Gallicanism, which,
indeed, he can hardly have well understood. Dr. Madden says
he was not a sceptic (The United Irishmen, vol. i., third series),

255

LEWINES TAKES OVER. BUONAPARTE [1798

great event are such as to satisfy my mind that there
is a special Providence guiding the affairs of Europe
at this moment, and turning everything to the great
end of the emancipation of mankind from the yoke
of religious and political superstition, under which
they have so long groaned. Some months ago,
in the career of his victories, Buonaparte accorded
a peace, and a generous one, to the Pope ; it was
signed at Tolentino, and Louis Buonaparte, brother
to the General, proceeded to Rome as the first
Ambassador from the Republic. Many people
thought at the time, and I was of the number, that
it was unwise to let slip so favourable an oppor-
tunity to destroy for ever the Papal tyranny ; but
it should seem the necessity of following up close
the impression made on Austrian armies, overbore
all inferior concerns, and, as I have said already,
peace was made with the Cabinet of Rome. One
would have thought that so narrow an escape might
have prevented the Pope from rashly embarking into
a second contest with the Republic, holding, as he
did, his very existence dependent on the breath of
Buonaparte, who might with a single word have
annihilated him. But Providence, for its own wise
and great purposes, the happiness of man, and the

quoting Miss McCracken : " He believed in the truths of
religion." However, see the entries of August 19, 1792 ;
October 24, 1792 ; and April 13-16, 1797, with reference to
Catholic services, bishops, and convents. This (with his
suicide) is probably a chief reason for his neglect by modern
Irish Republicanism.

256

1798] MURDER OF DUPHOT

complete establishment of civil and religious liberty,

seems to have utterly taken away all sense and

understanding from the Pope and his councils.

After a fruitless attempt to trepan the French

ambassador into a fabricated insurrection, they

procured a tumultuous mob to assemble under the

windows of his palace, and within the circuit of his

jurisdiction ; the guards were immediately called

out and began to fire ; the ambassador rushed out,

attended by Generals Duphot, Sherlock, and some

other officers, all dressed in the costume of their

respective situations, in order, if possible, to restore

tranquillity, or assert at least the neutrality of the

enceinte of the ambassador's palace, which is, in all

nations, privileged ground. They are received

with a running fire which levels Duphot to the

ground ; he recovers his feet, though dreadfully

wounded, and whilst supporting himself on his

sabre a corporal advances and discharges his piece

in his bosom. The ambassador and his suite escaped

the fire, as it were, by a miracle, and regained the

palace by a back way, leaving the body of Duphot

at the mercy of his assassins, who covered it with

wounds, and had even the barbarity to pelt it with

stones. The unfortunate Duphot had commanded

the grenadiers of the army of Italy, and was the next

morning to have been married to the ambassador's

sister-in-law. That no doubt might remain as to

who authorized this massacre ; both the captain,

who commanded the guard, and the corporal who
(4,409) 257 I9

LEWINES TAKES OVER. BUONAPARTE [1798

committed the murder, were rewarded, and the
latter promoted to the rank of sergeant. But now
the measure of the folly and wickedness of the Papal
government was filled even to running over. The
ambassador instantly quitted Rome with his family,
announcing these events to the Directory, who gave
orders to General Berthier to advance with the
invincible army of Italy on the ancient capital of
the world. A few days put him in quiet possession
of Rome, from whence all those concerned in the
late abominable transaction had fled, the Pope alone
remaining. On his arrival, the Roman people
assembled in the Capital, formally deposed the
Pope and declared themselves free and independent,
choosing a provisory government under the
ancient Roman names of Consuls, Praetors, and
^diles. Two or three days after the Pope left
Rome, attended by two French aides-de-camp, and
where he is gone to I do not yet know. Thus has
terminated the temporal reign of the Popes after
an existence of above 1,000 years. What changes
this great and almost unparalleled event may pro-
duce on the moral and political system of Europe
I cannot pretend to conjecture ; but they must be
numerous and of the last importance. So it is,
however — the fact is certain, and the Pope, who
has so often at his will and pleasure disposed of
crowns and monarchs, is himself deposed without
effort or resistance. " How art thou fallen from
Heaven, O Lucifer, Son of the Morning ! " The
258

1798] THE IRISH COMMONS IN 1798

Revelations have many fine things on this subject,
touching the " Beast and Babylon," etc. " Of the
Pope's ten horns, God bless us, I've knocked off four
already." He is now a Prelate in partibus, his means
are gone, his cardinals, his court, his wealth, all
disappeared, and nothing remains but his keys.
It is a sad downfall for the " Servant of the Servants
of God." But I scorn to insult the old gentleman
in his misfortunes : Requiescat in pace !

March \th. On the 19th of February last, as I see
in the Courier of the 26th, Lord Moira made a
motion of great expectation in the Irish House of
Lords, tending to condemn the vigorous measures
which have been pursued by the British Govern-
ment in that country, and to substitute a milder
system. I was exceedingly disappointed at his
speech, which was feeble indeed, containing little
else than declamation, and scarcely a single fact,
at a time when thousands of crimes of the most
atrocious nature have been perpetrated for months
over the whole face of the country. In times like
ours, half-friends are no friends. His lordship, at
the conclusion of this milk-and-water harangue,
comes to his conciliatory plan, which is to check
the army in their barbarities, and to grant Catholic
emancipation and parliamentary reform. It is really
amusing to see the various shifts, and struggles, and
turns, and twists, and wry faces the noble lord makes
before he can bring himself to swallow this last
bitter pill. This kind of conduct will never do well
259

LEWINES TAKES OVER. BUONAPARTE [1798

at any time ; but it is downright folly in times like
the present. His lordship has mortally offended
one party and not at all satisfied the other, as will
always be the case in similar circumstances. But
if Lord Moira speaks in this half-and-half style, the
Chancellor,* on the other side, appears not to have
been so reserved. He openly calls the United
Irishmen rebels, and says they should be treated as
such ; he mentions me by name, as having been
Adjutant-General in Hoche's expedition, and again
in the armament at the Texel, and says I am at this
very moment an accredited envoy at Paris from
that accursed Society. He also makes divers com-
mentaries on a well-known letter written by me
to my friend Russell, in 1791, and which, one way
or other, he has brought regularly before the House,
at least once a session ever since, and which figures
in the secret report made by Secretary Pelham j" in
the last one. From all these facts, and divers others
which he enumerates, he infers that the design of
the United Irishmen is to separate Ireland from
Great Britain, and that consequently all measures
to destroy that infamous conspiracy are fair and
lawful ; of which opinion the House of Lords was
also, Lord Moira's motion being rejected by a
large majority. I can hardly, I think, be suspected

*John Fitzgibbon, Earl of Clare (1 749-1 802), the ablest,
most relentless, and most hated of all the renegade Irishmen of
his century.

f Thomas Pelham, Chief Secretary for Ireland, under Lord
Temple (1783-84) and Lord Camden (1795-98).
260

1798] CARELESS CONSPIRATORS

of partiality to the Chancellor, but I declare I have
a greater respect for his conduct on this occasion
than for that of Lord Moira.

March $th to 20th. It is with the most sincere
concern and anxiety that I see in the late English
papers that Arthur O'Connor has been arrested at
Margate, endeavouring to procure a passage for
France ; the circumstances mentioned indicate a
degree of rashness and indiscretion on his part
which is astonishing. It seems he set off from
London in company with four others, viz., Quigley
the priest, who was some time since in Paris, and
of whom I have no great reason to be an admirer ;
Binns of the Corresponding Society ; Alley, also
of the Corresponding Society, and his servant of
the name of Leary. Quigley called himself at first
Captain Jones, and afterwards Colonel Morris ; the
others passed for his servants. Their first attempt
was at a place called Whitstable, where the vigilance
of the custom-house officers embarrassed them.
They then hired a cart, which they loaded with their
trunks, of which it seems they were sufficiendy
provided, and crossed the country on foot for
twenty-five miles to Margate.* It does not appear

* On February 28th Quigley was executed in due course.
The spy MacNally had told the Government as early as January
that O'Connor had left Ireland, and that an invasion was planned
for April. The French had promised the United Irishmen that
assistance would arrive in April or early May. The English
Government knew secretly as early as February-March that
preparations were being made at Dunkirk, Havre, Honfleur,
and Calais.

26l

LEWINES TAKES OVER. BUONAPARTE [1798

they made much mystery of their intended desti-
nation ; but be that as it may, at Margate they were
arrested by the Bow Street runners, Fugin and
Rivet, who had followed them a la piste from
London. It is inconceivable that five men should
attempt such an enterprise, and with such a quantity
of luggage ; it is equally incredible that they should
bring papers with them, of which the newspapers
say several have been found, and especially one in
the great-coat pocket of Quigley, purporting to be
an address from the Executive Directory of England
to that of France, and desiring the latter to give
credit to Quigley, as being " the worthy citizen
whom they had lately seen." These last expressions
stagger me, or I should not believe it possible any
man living would leave a paper of such consequence
in such a careless extraordinary place.

March 2$th. Received my letters of service from
the War Office, as Adjutant-General in the Armee
<T Angleterre.

March 26th. I see in the English papers of March
17th, from Irish papers of the 13 th, news of the
most disastrous and afflicting kind, as well for me
individually as for the country at large. The
English Government has arrested the whole Com-
mittee of United Irishmen for the province of
Leinster, including almost every man I know and
esteem in the city of Dublin. Amongst them are
Emmet, Dr. MacNeven, Sweetman, Bond, Jackson,
and his son ; warrants are likewise issued for the
262

1798] THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT STRIKES

arrestation of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, McCormick,
and Sampson, who have not, however, yet been
found. It is by far the most terrible blow which
the cause of liberty in Ireland has yet sustained.*

March 27th, 2%th, 29th. The last arrestations seem
to be followed up by others. Government will now
stop at nothing, f

April 1st, 2nd. Lewines waited yesterday on
Merlin, who is President of the Directory for this
trimestre, and presented him a letter of introduction
from Talleyrand. Merlin received him with great
civility and attention. Lewines pressed him, as far
as he could with propriety, on the necessity of
sending succours to Ireland the earliest possible
moment, especially on account of the late arresta-
tions ; and he took that occasion to impress him
with a sense of the merit and services of the men
for whom he interested himself so much on every
account, public and personal. Merlin replied that,
as to the time or place of succour, he could tell him
nothing, it being the secret of the State ; that, as to
the danger of his friends, he was sincerely sorry for
the situation of so many brave and virtuous
patriots ; that, however, though he could not
enter into the details of the intended expedition,
he would tell him thus much to comfort him,
' That France never would grant a peace to England

* The informer was Reynolds, a brother-in-law of Tone
himself.

f Martial Law was proclaimed on March 30th.
263

LEWINES TAKES OVER. BUONAPARTE [1798

on any terms short of the Independence of Ireland. ' ' This
is grand news.

April 4th. This day, at three o'clock, having
previously received my letters of service, order to
jom,frais de route , etc., I set off for the headquarters
of the Armee d'Angleterre at Rouen.

April $th. After travelling all night, arrived at
twelve next day, and took up my lodgings at the
Maison Wattel. Met General Kilmaine by accident,
who invited me to dinner ; where I found General
Lemoine, and Bessieres, Commandant of the Guides
of Buonaparte, etc., etc. Comedy in the evening.

April 6th. The Cathedral is a beautiful relic of
Gothic architecture. I have seen the inside of
Westminster Abbey, and Notre Dame, of Paris,
as well as several others in Germany and elsewhere,
but I prefer the inside of the Cathedral of Rouen
to them all. It is a magnificent coup d'ceil. But,
what is provoking, between the body of the church
and choir, some pious Archbishop, who had more
money than taste, has thrown a very spruce colon-
nade, of pure Corinthian architecture, which totally
destroys the harmony of the building, and ruins
what would otherwise produce a most magnificent
effect. This little specimen of Grecian architecture
is more truly Gothic than all the rest of the edifice.

April Sth. Heard part of a sermon, this being

Easter Sunday. Sad trash ! a long parallel, which

I thought would never end, between Jesus Christ

and Joseph, followed by a second, equally edifying,

264

1798] TERROR IN IRELAND

comparing Him with the prophet Jonah, showing
how the one lay three nights in the tomb, and the
other three nights in the belly of a great fish, etc. ;
at all which I profited exceedingly. The church
was full of women, but I did not see twenty men.
I wonder how people can listen to such abominable
nonsense.

April 26th. I see in the Paris papers to-day
extracts from English ones, of a late date, by which
it appears, as I suspected, that the news of an in-
surrection in Ireland was, as yet, premature ;
nevertheless, things in that country seem to be
drawing fast to a close. There is a proclamation
of Lord Camden, which is tantamount to a de-
claration of war ; and the system of police, if police
it can be called, is far more atrocious than it ever
was in France in the time of the terreur* There is,
however, no authentic account of any hostilities,
except at a place called Holy Cross, where the
people were easily dispersed by the Cashel Fencible
Cavalry, and a party of the Lowth Militia, with the
loss of three killed, and about twenty wounded
and prisoners ; but that is nothing. I see it is the
policy of Government to employ such Irish troops
as they can depend upon, to avoid, or at least lessen,
the odium which would fall, otherwise, on the
English and Scotch.

April 2jth. I am sadly off for intelligence here,

* Tone does not exaggerate. The most terrible military
excesses were perpetrated in Ireland all this spring.
265

LEWINES TAKES OVER. BUONAPARTE [1798

having nothing but the imperfect extracts in the
Paris papers. I see to-day, and am very glad to
see it, that my friend, Sir Lawrence Parsons, has
resigned the command of the King's County
rnihtia in consequence of the sanguinary measures
about to be adopted by the English Government,
in which he will take no share. His example should
be imitated by every country gentleman in Ireland ;
but they have neither the sense nor the virtue to see
that. Alarming as the state of Ireland really and
truly is to the English Government, I have no doubt
on my mind that it is their present policy to exag-
gerate the danger as much as possible in order to
terrify the Irish gentry out of their wits, and, under
cover of this universal panic, to crush the spirit of
the People, and reduce the country to a state of
slavery more deplorable than that of any former
period of our deplorable history. They take a
chance against nothing. What miserable slaves are
the gentry of Ireland ! What wonder if the leaders
of the United Irishmen, finding themselves not
only deserted, but attacked by those who, for every
reason, should have been their supporters and fellow-
labourers, felt themselves no longer called upon to
observe any measures with men only distinguished
by the superior virulence of their persecuting spirit ?
If such men, in the issue, lose their property, they
are themselves alone to blame, by deserting the first
and most sacred of duties — the duty to their
country. They have incurred a wilful forfeiture
266

1798] RIGHTEOUS ANGER

by disdaining to occupy the station they might
have held among the People, and which the People
would have been glad to see them fill ; they left
a vacancy to be seized by those who had more
courage, more sense, and more honesty ; and not
only so, but by this base and interested desertion
they furnished their enemies with every argument of
justice, policy, and interest, to enforce the system of
confiscation. Who can forgive the man that forces
him to confess that he is a voluntary slave, and that
he has sold for money everything that should be
most precious to an honourable heart ? that he has
trafficked in the liberties of his children and his own,
and that he is hired and paid to commit a daily
parricide on his country ? Yet these are charges
which not a man of that infamous caste can deny
to himself before the sacred tribunal of his own
conscience. At least the United Irishmen, as I have
already said, have a grand, a sublime object in view.
Their enemies have not as yet ventured, in the long
catalogue of their accusations, to insert the charge
of interested motives. Whilst that is the case they
may be feared and abhorred, but they can never
be despised ; and I believe there are few men who
do not look upon contempt as the most insufferable
of all human evils. Can the English faction say
as much ? In vain do they crowd together, and
think by their numbers to disguise or lessen their
infamy. The public sentiment, the secret voice of
their own corrupt hearts, has already condemned
267

LEWINES TAKES OVER. BUONAPARTE [1798

them. They see their destruction rapidly approach-
ing, and they have the consciousness that when
they fall no honest man will pity them. ' They
shall perish like their own dung ; those who have seen
them shall say, Where are they ? "

From April 2jth to May ijth. Having obtained
leave of absence for two decades, I have spent the
last twenty days deliciously with my family at
Paris. During that time we received a letter from
my brother William, dated from Poonah, the 7th
of January, 1797, sixteen months ago, at which
time he was in health and spirits, being second in
command of the infantry of the Peschwa or chief
of the Mahratta state, with appointments of 500
rupees a month, which is about ^750 sterling a
year. I cannot express the pleasure which this
account of his success gave us all ; great as has been
his good fortune it is not superior to his merit.
Six years ago he went to India a private soldier,
unknown, unfriended, and unprotected ; he had
not so much as a letter of introduction ; but talents
and courage like his were not made to rust in
obscurity ; he has forced his way to a station of
rank and eminence, and I have no doubt that his
views and talents are extended with his elevation.
The first war in India we shall hear more of him.

May 19th. I do not know what to think of our

expedition. It is certain that the whole left wing

of the army of England is at this moment in full

march back to the Rhine ; Buonaparte is God

268

1798] BUONAPARTE ABANDONS THE IRISH

knows where, and the clouds seem thickening
more and more in Germany, where I have no doubt
Pitt is moving heaven and hell to embroil matters
and divert the storm which was almost ready to
fall on his head.*

May 24th, 2$th. It is certain that Buonaparte is
at Toulon, and embarked since the 14th ; his
speech, as I suspected, is not as it was given in the
last journals. The genuine one I read to-day, and
there are two sentences in it which puzzle me
completely. In the first, at the beginning of the
address, he tells the troops that they form a wing
of the army of England ; in the second, towards
the end, he reminds them that they have the glory
of the French name to sustain in countries and seas
the most distant. What does that mean ? Is he
going after all to India ? Will he make a short cut
to London by way of Calcutta ? I begin foully to
suspect it.f

May 26th. I have changed my mind, and written
this day a letter to General Kilmaine, acquainting

* Lord Edward Fitzgerald was this day taken in Dublin. The
Rebellion broke out in Ireland on May 23rd. Lord Edward
died June 4th. Tone hears of Lord Edward's arrest on June
9th-i2th ; see these entries. In view of the terrible events
happening in Ireland these entries of May are bitterly ironic in
their unawareness.

t Buonaparte had already decided to abandon Ireland, and
was on his way to Malta, preliminary to setting out on the
conquest of Egypt. He considered, long after, in St. Helena,
that this was one of his great mistakes. " If," he said, " instead
of the expedition to Egypt I had made that of Ireland . . .
what would England have been to-day ? "
269

LEWINES TAKES OVER. BUONAPARTE [1798

him with Will's present situation in India, and
offering to go thither if the Government thinks
that my services can be useful, requesting secrecy
and a speedy answer. I know not how this may
turn out. It is a bold measure. My only difficulty
is about my family ; but if the Directory accepts
my offer, I hardly think they will refuse to pay my
wife one-half of my appointments during my
absence. If they do that, I will go cheerfully,
notwithstanding that the age for enterprise is
almost over with me. My blood is cooling fast.
" My May of life is falling to the sear, the yellow leaf"

270

XVIII
THE REBELLION : LAST ENTRIES

May 27th, 2%th. The English having appeared
in force before Havre, and attempted to throw
some bombs into the city, Adjutant-General
Rivaud, Chef de l'Etat-Major, determined to send
me off at a moment's warning to join General
Bethencourt, who commands the division. In
consequence, having received orders and made up
my kit, I set off post, and ran all night.

May 29th. I am lodged in the same hotel where
I put up at my first landing in France. How many
scenes have I witnessed since !

May 30th. This morning at four o'clock there
was a heavy cannonade to the southward, which
continued at intervals until ten. The weather is
hazy, so that we can see nothing distincdy. I
walked out on the batteries three or four times, but
could make nothing of it ; I fear, however, the
worst for our corvettes.

May 31st. My fears were too true about the
corvettes. They fell in with a squadron of five
English frigates, and immediately the captain of
271

THE REBELLION [1798

the Vesuve, of thirty-two guns, took fright and ran
his ship ashore ; his name is l'Eccolier. He fired
but two broadsides. His comrade, however, who
commanded the Confiante, and whose name is
Pevrieux, fought his ship in another guess manner ;
he engaged the Diamond within pistol shot for three
hours, and it was not until the rest of the squadron
were closing fast around him that he ran his ship
ashore, where he continued to defend himself for
two hours ; so that the English could not succeed
in their attempt to burn her ; but she is dismasted
and torn to pieces by their shot. This affair is the
more honourable for him, as the Diamond carries
twenty-four pounders, and his ship twelve pounders.
In the meantime there are two corvettes gone,
though there are some hopes the Vesuve may be
got off. All this does not promise violently in
favour of the invasion, and indeed the English
seem by the papers to have no longer any uneasiness
on that score.

June 2nd. Last night walked all round the ram-
parts, and inspected the state of the works with
General Bethencourt. Went the rounds with him,
as far as the battery of La Heve, which is above a
league from the town, among the rocks, and re-
turned at one this morning. " How merrily we live
that soldiers be ! " All this afternoon there has been
a heavy cannonade to the southward, opposite
the Pointe de Dives. We conjecture it is the flotilla
of Muskein, which is endeavouring to return, and
272

1798] UNDER FIRE

having, as we suppose, fallen in with the English,
has taken shelter under a little fort of four pieces
of cannon at the point. Be that as it may, the fire
has continued until an hour after dark.

June 6th, qt)i, Sth. Yesterday the enemy appeared
before Havre, and from their manoeuvres we ex-
pected an attack. In consequence all the batteries
were manned and the furnaces heated. I was
stationed in the Batterie Nationale. About three
o'clock in the afternoon they bore down upon us,
within two cannon shot ; but after some little
time, hauled their wind and stood off again ; so
we were quit for the night. As they passed the
battery at the Pointe la Heve they threw about half
a dozen shells, to answer as many shot the battery-
had fired at them, a toute volee, but neither the one
nor the other did any damage. I saw three of the
shells fall in the water, and all the shot. Two of the
latter passed very near the bombketch, but the dis-
tance was entirely too great, and I wonder the
General does not give orders never to fire but at
a distance to do mischief. If the enemy waste their
powder foolishly, there is no reason we should
waste ours. Au reste, it was a fine sight, and I
should have enjoyed it more, had it not been for
certain " speculations on futurity and the trans-
migration of souls," which presented themselves
to my fancy at times. I defy any man to know
whether he is brave or not until he is tried, and I
am very far from boasting of myself on that score ;

(4,409) 273 2Q

THE REBELLION [1798

but the fact is, and I was right glad of it, that when
I found myself at my battery, and saw the enemy
bearing right down upon us, and as I thought to
begin the cannonade, though I cannot say with
truth, that I was perfectly easy, yet neither did I feel
at all disconcerted ; and I am satisfied, as far as a
man in that situation can judge of himself, that I
should have done my duty well, and without any
great effort of resolution. The crowd and the
bustle, the noise, and especially the conviction that
the eyes of the cannoniers were fixed on the
chapeau galonne, settled me at once ; it is the eti-
quette in such cases that the General stands con-
spicuous on the parapet, whilst the cannoniers are
covered by the epaulement, which is truly amusing
for him that commands.

June 9th to 12th. Yesterday I read in the French
papers an account of the acquittal of Arthur
O'Connor at Maidstone, and of his being taken
instantly into custody again. Undoubtedly Pitt
means to send him to Ireland, in hopes of finding
there a more complaisant jury. Quigley, the priest,
is found guilty ; it seems he has behaved admirably
well, which I confess was more than I expected ;
his death redeems him. Alley, Binns, and Leary,
the servant, are also acquitted and discharged.
O'Connor appears to have behaved with great
intrepidity. On being taken into custody, he
addressed the judges, desiring to be sent to the same
dungeon with his brother, who, like him, was
274

1798] LORD EDWARD FITZGERALD

acquitted of high treason, and, like him, was
arrested in the very court. The judge, Buller,
answered him coldly that their commission expired
when the sentence was pronounced, and that the
court could do nothing farther in the business.
He was instantly committed. My satisfaction at
this triumph of O'Connor is almost totally de-
stroyed by a second article in the same paper,
which mentions that Lord Edward Fitzgerald has
been arrested in Thomas Street, Dublin, after a
most desperate resistance, in which himself, the
magistrate, one Swann, and Captain Ryan, who
commanded the guard, were severely wounded. I
cannot describe the effect which this intelligence
had on me ; it brought on, almost immediately,
a spasm in my stomach, which confined me all day.
I knew Fitzgerald but very little, but I honour and
venerate his character, which he has uniformly
sustained, and, in this last instance, illustrated.
What miserable wretches by his side are the gentry
of Ireland ! I would rather be Fitzgerald, as he is
now, wounded in his dungeon, than Pitt at the
head of the British Empire. What a noble fellow !
Of the first family in Ireland, with an easy fortune,
a beautiful wife, and family of lovely children, the
certainty of a splendid appointment under Govern-
ment, if he would condescend to support their
measures, he has devoted himself wholly to the
emancipation of his country, and sacrificed every-
thing to it, even to his blood.
275

THE REBELLION [1798

June 13th. I have been running over in my mind
the list of my friends and of the men whom,
without being so intimately comiected with them,
I most esteem. Scarcely do I find one who is not
or has not been in exile or prison, and in jeopardy
of his life. To begin with, Russell and Emmet,
the two dearest of my friends, at this moment in
prison on a capital charge. MacNeven and
J. Sweetman, my old fellow-labourers in the
Catholic cause ; Edward Fitzgerald, Arthur and
Roger O'Connor, whom, though I know less
personally, I do not less esteem ; Sampson, Bond,
Jackson and his son, still in prison ; Robert and
William Simms, the men in the world to whose
friendship I am most obliged, but just discharged ;
Neilson, Haslitt, McCracken the same ; McCor-
mick, absconded ; Rowan and Dr. Reynolds in
America ; Lewines, Tennant, Lowry, Hamilton,
Teeling, Tandy, etc., and others, with whom I have
little or no acquaintance, but whom I must presume
to be victims of their patriotism, not to speak of
my own family in France, Germany, and elsewhere.
Stokes disgraced on suspicion of virtue. It is a
gloomy catalogue for a man to cast his eyes over.
Of all my political connections I see but John
Keogh who has escaped, and how he has had that
inconceivable good fortune is to me a miracle.
— Ten at night. I have been these two hours at the
batteries, but the enemy keeps at a most prudent
distance. It is downright wearying to be in con-
276

1798] THE IRISH IN PARIS

tinual expectation of an attack, and I begin to lose
my patience.

June 14th, 15 th, 16th. Last night, at the Comedie,
I had a conversation with General Kilmaine, who
has been here these two days, which did not much
encourage me on the present posture of our affairs.
I asked whether he could tell me the determination
of the Government with regard to the cadres of
regiments formed by General Hoche for the last
expedition, and whether the Irishmen now in Paris
were to be employed in them ? He said that the
conduct of many of the Irish in Paris was such as to
reflect credit neither on themselves nor their
country. That there was nothing to be heard of
amongst them but denunciations, and if every
one of them, separately, spoke truth, all the rest
were rascals. At the same time there was one thing
in their favour ; hitherto they had asked nothing
for themselves, which in some degree saved their
credit — except one, named O'Finn, who appeared
in the light of a mere adventurer ; that Tandy had
also applied for assistance, and that he (Kilmaine),
believing the poor old man to be in distress, had
signed a paper to the Minister at War, requesting
he might be employed. I answered that I was
heartily sorry for the account he gave me of the
conduct of our countrymen, which I had some
reason to believe he had not exaggerated, having
been denounced myself more than once for no other
offence, as I believe in my conscience, than the rank
277

THE REBELLION [1798

I held in the French army, which caused heart-
burnings amongst them ; that the misfortune was
that they came into France with their ideas mounted
too high, from having had a certain degree of
influence among the people at home, and finding
themselves absolutely without any in France, their
tempers were soured and their ill-humour vented
itself in accusations of each other. All this is as
discouraging as it can well be. I am sworn not
to despair. It is my motto, but if it were not for
that I know not what I should do to-day.

June 17th, 18th. The news I have received this
morning, partly by the papers and partly by letters
from my wife and brother, are of the last impor-
tance. As I suspected, the brave and unfortunate
Fitzgerald was meditating an attack on the capital,
which was to have taken place a few days after
that on which he was arrested. He is since dead
in prison ; his career is finished gloriously for him-
self, and whatever be the event, his memory will
live for ever in the heart of every honest Irishman.
He was a gallant fellow. For us, who remain as
yet, and may perhaps soon follow him, the only
way to lament his death is to endeavour to revenge
it. The insurrection has formally commenced in
several counties of Leinster, especially Kildare and
Wexford ; the details in the French papers are very
imperfect, but I see there have been several actions.
At Monastereven, Naas, Clane, and Prosperous,
the three last immediately in my ancient neighbour-
278

1798] BLOODY NEWS

hood, there have been skirmishes generally, as is
at first to be expected, to the advantage of the
army ; at Prosperous the Cork militia were sur-
prised and defeated. The villains — to bear arms
against their country ! Killcullen is burnt ; at
Carlow four hundred Irish, it is said, were killed ;
at Castledermot fifty ; in return, in county Wex-
ford, where appears to be their principal force, they
have defeated a party of six hundred English, killed
three hundred and the Commander, Colonel
Walpole, and taken five pieces of cannon. This
victory, small as it is, will give the people courage,
and show them that a red coat is no more invincible
than a grey one. At Rathmines there has been an
affair of cavalry where the Irish had the worst, and
two of their leaders named Ledwich and Keogh
were taken, and I presume immediately executed.
I much fear that the last is Cornelius, eldest son to
my friend, J. Keogh, and a gallant lad ; if it be so I
shall regret him sincerely ; but how many other
valuable lives must be sacrificed before the fortune
of Ireland be decided ! Dr. Esmonde and eight
other gentlemen of my county have been hanged ;
at Nenagh the English whip the most respectable
inhabitants till their blood flows into the kennel.
The atrocious barbarity of their conduct is only to
be excelled by the folly of it ; never yet was a
rebellion, as they call it, quelled by such means.
The eighteen thousand victims sacrificed by Alva
in the Low Countries in five years and on the
279

THE REBELLION [1798

scaffold did not prevent the establishment of the
liberty of Holland. From the blood of every one
of the martyrs of the liberty of Ireland will spring,
I hope, thousands to revenge their fall. In all this
confusion of events there is one circumstance which
looks well. The English Government publish
latterly no detailed accounts, but say, in general,
that all goes well, and that a few days will suffice
to extinguish the rebellion ; at the same time they
are fortifying the pigeon house in Dublin in order
to secure a retreat for the Government in case of
the worst, which does not savour extremely of the
immediate extinction of the rebellion. These are
all the details I recollect, and they are of the last
importance. What will the French Government
do in the present crisis ?

June 19th. This evening at five set off for Rouen.
No news yet of the Toulon expedition — it is incon-
ceivable !

June 20th. To-day is my birthday. I am thirty-
five years of age ; more than half the career of my
life is finished, and how little have I yet been able
to do. Well, it has not been, at least, for want of
inclination, and, I may add, of efforts ! Called this
morning on General Grouchy — I find him full of
ardour for our business ; he has read all the details,
and talks of going to Paris in two or three days to
press the Directory upon that subject. His idea
is to try an embarkation aboard the corvettes and
privateers of Nantes ; on which, he thinks, at least
280

1798] KILMAINE EXPLAINS THE DIFFICULTIES

3,000 men with 20,000 muskets can be stowed,
and he speaks as if he meant to apply for the com-
mand of this little armament. What would I not
give that he should succeed in the application !
I once endeavoured to be of service to General
Grouchy when I saw him unjustly misrepresented
after our return from Bantry Bay, and he does not
seem to have forgotten it ; for nothing could be
more friendly and affectionate than his reception
of me to-day. From General Grouchy I went to
visit the General-in-chief, Kilmaine, and mentioned
to him that, under the circumstances, especially as
there was no appearance of any event at Havre, I
had thought it my duty to return near him to
receive his orders. He said I did very right, but
he was sorry at the same time to tell me that he
was much afraid the Government would do noth-
ing ; and he read me a letter from the Minister of
Marine which he had received this very morning,
mentioning that, in consequence of the great
superiority of the naval force of the enemy, and
difficulty of escaping from any of the ports during
the fine season, the Directory were determined
to adjourn the measure until a more favourable
occasion. I lost my temper at this, and told him
that if the affair was adjourned it was lost. The
present crisis must be seized, or it would be too
late ; that I could hardly hope the Irish, unprovided
as they were of all that was indispensable for carry-
ing on a war, could long hold out against the
281

THE REBELLION [1798

resources of England, especially if they saw France
make no effort whatsoever to assist them ; that,
thus far, they had been devoted to the cause of
France, for which, if they had not been able to do
much, at least they had sufficiently suffered ; but
who could say or expect that this attachment would
continue if, in the present great crisis, they saw
themselves abandoned to their own resources ;
that now was the moment to assist them : in three
months it might be too late, and the forces then
sent, if the Irish were overpowered in the meantime,
find themselves unsupported, and, in their turn, be
overpowered by the English. General Kilmaine
answered that he saw all that as well as I did ; but
what could he do ? He had pressed the Directory
again and again on the subject, but they were afraid
to incur the charge of sacrificing a handful of the
troops of the Republic, and would not try the
enterprise except on a grand scale. He then showed
me two different plans he had prepared, the one for
an embarkment of 17,500 men, the second for about
9,500, both of which he had sent by his aide-de-
camp to Paris, and expected his return. I answered
that I should be heartily glad that either one or the
other were adopted, but that I saw infinite diffi-
culties in the way, and had always been of opinion
that 5,000 men that could be sent were better than
50,000, that could not. I added that one demi-
brigade of light infantry, with two or three com-
panies of light artillery at this moment, might be
282

1798] KILMAINE'S PLANS

better than 20,000 men in six months. He shook
his head and replied he was morally certain the
Directory would attempt nothing on so small a
scale. He then gave me the French papers, and
after settling to dine with him, we parted. Quigley
has been executed, and died like a hero ! If ever
I reach Ireland, and that we establish our liberty,
I will be the first to propose a monument to his
memory ; his conduct, at the hour of his death,
clears everything. " Nothing in his life became him
like the leaving of it" Poor Pamela — she is in
London, which she has been ordered to quit in
three days. The night of her husband's arrestation
she was taken in labour, and — will it be believed
hereafter ? — not one physician could be found in
Dublin hardy enough to deliver her. The villains !
the pusillanimous and barbarous scoundrels ! It was
a lady, who was not even of her acquaintance, that
assisted her in her peril. I do not think there is a
parallel instance of inhumanity in the annals of man-
kind. She is said to be inconsolable for the death
of Fitzgerald. I well believe it — beautiful and un-
fortunate creature ! Well, if Ireland triumphs she shall
have her full share of the victory and of the vengeance.
I do not see one syllable about the North, which
astonishes me more than I can express. Are they
afraid ? Have they changed their opinions ? What
can be the cause of their passive submission, at this
moment, so little suited to their former zeal and
energy ? I remember what Digges said to Russell
283

THE REBELLION [1798

and me five or six years ago : "If ever the South
is roused I would rather have one Southern than
twenty Northerns/' Diggcs was a man of great
sense and observation. He was an American, and
had no local or provincial prejudices. Was he
right in his opinion ? A very little time will let
us see. If it should prove so, what a mortification
to me, who have so long looked up with admiration
to the North, and especially to Belfast ! *

June 20th to 30th. Having determined to set off
for Paris, in consequence of the late news from
Ireland, I got leave of absence for a fortnight from
General Kilmaine. My Adjoint, Citizen Favory,
called on me the next morning after my arrival
to inform me that the Minister of War had dis-
patched an order for me to come to Paris in all
haste. I waited upon him in consequence. He told
me it was the Minister of Marine who had de-
manded me, and gave me at the same time a letter
of introduction for him.

* For the reasons of the tranquillity of the North in 1798
see Lecky, vol. iv. page 403 following. He adduces, as reasons,
the rise of Orangeism ; a long period of Martial Law ; great
severity (one man was condemned to eight hundred lashes and
received two hundred before implicating another culprit) ;
above all, a change of sentiment on finding that the Rebellion
in the South was one of lawless mobs, and conducted in the
spirit of a religious anti-Protestant war ; that the French were
lax and inefficient in the matter of support ; that Republicanism
was becoming imperialistic and tyrannical — in Genoa, Holland,
Venice, Switzerland, and towards the United States. Antrim
and Down, however, did rise, and there the revolt was sup-
pressed with the usual brutality.

284

XIX
A LETTER FROM BREST*

"ARM£E FRANQAISE. ERIN GO BRAGH.

"LIBERTE. £GALITE.

" Headquarters at Brest,
" 27 Thermidor.
" Dearest Love,

" This day at twelve o'clock we embark,
but I do not yet know when we shall put to sea ;
probably it will not be long.

" I send you by the Diligence, which leaves this,
the 29th, a packet containing copies of all papers,
etc., some of which remain since our last expedition.
You will likewise find one or two coins enclosed
for the Bab. You will give a copy of each to
Giange, who has never written me one line. I write
to him, however, by this post ; he will, of course,
show you my letters. Your packet ought to arrive
the 5 or 6 Fructidor.

* The headings in this letter are printed. It is taken, by kind
permission, from Dr. Richard Hayes' interesting book, Irish
Swordsmen of France, where it was originally printed for the
first time. The giving of his last five guineas to his Irish fol-
lowers is a touching and characteristic gesture from Tone.

Giange is the young Swiss who married Tone's sister Mary
in 1797 ; see, for reference, page 208 of this edition.
285

WILLIAM TONE [1789

" Touching money matters, I have not yet
received a sous, and last night I was obliged to give
my last five guineas to our Countrymen here. I
can shift better than they can ; I hope to receive a
month's pay to-day, but it will not be possible to
remit you any part of it. You must therefore
carry on the war as you can for three or four
months, and before this is out we will see further ;
I write (in French) to Giange on that head. I am
mortified at not being able to send you a remittance,
but you know it is not my fault.

"We embark about 3,000 men, with 12 pieces
of artillery, and I judge about 20,000 stand of arms ;
we are enough, I think, to do the business, if we
arrive safe.

" With regard to myself personally, I have every
reason to be satisfied ; I stand fair with the General
and my camarades. I am in excellent health and
spirits, I have great confidence in the success of our
enterprise, and, come what come may, at least I
will do what is right.

" The time is so short that I must finish this. I
will, if possible, write to you again, but, if we should
unexpectedly sail, my next will be, I hope, from
Ireland. Adieu, my dearest Life and Soul ; kiss
my babies for me always. I doat upon you all.

" Yours ever and most truly,

" T. Wolfe Tone."

286

XX

WOLFE TONE'S LAST ADVENTURE:
HIS SON'S ACCOUNT

[From this point the narrative is taken up by
Wolfe Tone's eldest son, William Theobald Wolfe
Tone (1791-1828), who served in the French army
from 1 8 13 to the Restoration, and then in the
American army.

/ Wolfe Tone's diaries were written primarily
\ to give pleasure to his wife ; he continued to keep
them after she rejoined him in France — even when
they were together in Paris — though much less
.fully than in 1796. After this return to Paris he
Abandons them.

^This summer he was busy with Humbert's
expedition, which sailed on August 6th with his
brother Matthew, Teeling, and Sullivan, Madgett's
nephew. Teeling and Matthew Tone were taken
and hanged. Sullivan escaped in disguise to France.
Napper Tandy and a body of United Irishmen
sailed in a separate vessel, touched on Rathlin
Island, heard of the defeat of Humbert, and went
on to Norway.

287

WILLIAM TONE [1798

The Directory, uninformed of Humbert's defeat,
then dispatched a tiny fleet of one sail of the line
and eight frigates, under Bompart and General
Hardy, with what fortune William Tone here
records. — S. O'F.]

At length, about the 20th of September, 1798,
that fatal expedition set sail from the Bay of
Cameret. It consisted of the Hoche (74), Loire,
Resolue, Bellone, Coquille, Embuscade, Immortalite,
Romaine, and Semillante, frigates ; and Biche,
schooner, and aviso. To avoid the British fleets,
Bompart, an excellent seaman, took a large sweep
to the westward, and then to the north-east, in order
to bear down on the northern coast of Ireland, from
the quarter whence a French force would be least
expected. He met, however, with contrary winds,
and it appears that his flotilla was scattered ; for,
on the 10th of October, after twenty days' cruise,
he arrived off the entry of Loch Swilly, with the
Hoche, the Loire, the Resolue, and the Biche. He
was instantly signalled, and on the break of day
next morning, nth of October, before he could
enter the bay or land his troops, he perceived the
squadron of Sir John Borlase Warren,* consisting
of six sail of the line, one razee of sixty guns, and
two frigates bearing down upon him. There was

* Sir John Borlase Warren (1753-1822). Some men rise by
the downfall of others — this engagement added greatly to the
reputation of Warren. He did not become an admiral, how-
ever, until 1 8 10.

288

1798] THE BATTLE OF LOUGH SWILLY

no chance of escape for the large and heavy man-
of-war. Bompart gave instant signals to the frigates
and schooner to retreat through shallow water, and
prepared alone to honour the flag of his country
and liberty by a desperate but hopeless defence. At
that moment a boat came from the Biche, for his
last orders. That ship had the best chance to get
off. The French officers all supplicated my father
to embark on board of her. " Our contest is
hopeless," they observed ; " we will be prisoners
of war ; but what will become of you ? " " Shall
it be said," replied he, " that I fled whilst the
French were fighting the battles of my country ? "
He refused their offers, and determined to stand
and fall with the ship. The Biche accomplished
her escape ; and I see it mentioned in late publica-
tions that other Irishmen availed themselves of that
occasion. This fact is incorrect — not one of them
would have done so ; and besides, my father was
the only Irishman on board the Hoche.

The British Admiral dispatched two men-of-war,
the razee, and a frigate after the Loire and Resolue,
and the Hoche was soon surrounded by four sail of
the line and a frigate, and began one of the most
obstinate and desperate engagements which have
ever been fought on the ocean. During six hours
she sustained the fire of a whole fleet, till her masts
and rigging were swept away, her scuppers flowed
with blood, her wounded filled the cock-pit, her
shattered ribs yawned at each new stroke and let

(4,409) 2 g 9 2I

WILLIAM TONE [1798

in five feet of water in the hold, her rudder was
carried off, and she floated a dismantled wreck on
the waters ; her sails and cordage hung in shreds,
nor could she reply with a single gun from her
dismounted batteries to the unabating cannonade
of the enemy. At length she struck. The Resolue
and Loire were soon reached by the English fleet ;
the former was in a sinking condition ; she made,
however, an honourable defence. The Loire
sustained three attacks, drove off the English
frigates, and had almost effected her escape ; at
length, engaged by the Anson, razee of sixty guns,
she struck, after an action of three hours, entirely
dismasted. Of the other frigates, pursued in all
directions, the Bellone, Immortalite, Coquille, and
Embuscade were taken, and the Romaine and Semil-
lante, through a thousand dangers, reached separate
ports in France.

During the action my father commanded one of
the batteries, and, according to the report of the
officers who returned to France, fought with the
utmost desperation, and as if he was courting death.
When the ship struck, confounded with the other
officers, he was not recognized for some time, for
he had completely acquired the language and
appearance of a Frenchman. The two fleets were
dispersed in every direction ; nor was it till some
days later that the Hoche was brought into Loch
Swilly, and the prisoners landed and marched to
Letterkenny. Yet rumours of his being on board
290

1798] TONE A PRISONER

must have been circulated, for the fact was public
at Paris. But it was thought he had been killed
in the action ; and I am willing to believe that the
British officers, respecting the valour of a fallen
enemy, were not earnest in investigating the point.
It was at length a gentleman well known in the
county Derry as a leader of the Orange party, and
one of the chief magistrates in that neighbourhood,
Sir George Hill, who had been his fellow-student
in Trinity College and knew his person, who
undertook the task of discovering him. It is known
that in Spain grandees and noblemen of the first
rank pride themselves in the functions of familiars,
spies, and informers of the Holy Inquisition ; it
remained for Ireland to offer a similar example.
The French officers were invited to breakfast with
the Earl of Cavan, who commanded in that district.
My father sat undistinguished amongst them, when
Sir George Hill* entered the room, followed by
police officers. Looking narrowly at the company,

* Hill's account is different. See his letter to Ed. Cooke,
Dublin Castle, from Buncrana, Nov. 8, headed " 12 o'clock."

"My Dear Cooke,

" Such has been the stormy weather that for two days
no boat has been ashore from La Hoche. This morning some
hundreds of the prisoners are just landed. The first man who
stepped out of the boat, habited as an officer, was T. W. Tone.
He recognized me and addressed me instantly with as much
sang-froid as you might expect from his character. . . .

" Yrs., etc.

" G. F. Hill.
" P.S. — Tone is sent off to Derry under a strong escort."
(See final footnotes.)

291

WILLIAM TONE [1798

he singled out the object of his search, and, stepping
up to him, said, " Mr. Tone, I am very happy to see
you." Instantly rising, with the utmost com-
posure, and disdaining all useless attempts at con-
cealment, my father replied, " Sir George, I am
happy to see you ; how are Lady Hill and your
family ? " Beckoned into the next room by the
police officers, an unexpected indignity awaited him.
It was filled with military, and one General Lavau,
who commanded them, ordered him to be ironed,
declaring that, as on leaving Ireland to enter the
French service he had not renounced his oath of
allegiance, he remained a subject of Britain, and
should be punished as a traitor. Seized with a
momentary burst of indignation at such unworthy
treatment and cowardly cruelty to a prisoner of
war, he flung off his uniform, and cried, " These
fetters shall never degrade the revered insignia
of the free nation which I have served." Resuming
then his usual calm, he offered his limbs to the irons,
and when they were fixed he exclaimed, " For the
cause which I have embraced, I feel prouder to
wear these chains than if I were decorated with the
star and garter of England." The friends of Lord
Cavan have asserted that this extreme, and, I will
add, unmanly and ungenerous severity, was provoked
by his outrageous behaviour when he found he
was not to have the privileges of a prisoner of war.
This supposition is not only contradicted by the
whole tenor of his character and his subsequent
292

1798] SPEECH FROM THE DOCK

deportment, but no other instances of it have ever
been specified than those noble replies to the taunts
of General Lavau.

From Letterkenny he was hurried to Dublin
without delay, fettered and on horseback, under an
escort of dragoons. During this journey the un-
ruffled serenity of his countenance, amidst the
rude soldiery, and under the awe-struck gaze of his
countrymen, excited universal admiration. Re-
cognizing in a group of females, which thronged
the windows, a young lady of his acquaintance :
" There," said he, " is my old friend Miss Beresford ;
how well she looks ! " On his arrival he was im-
mured in the Provost's prison, in the barracks of
Dublin, under the charge of the notorious Major
Sandys, a man whose insolence, rapacity, and
cruelty will long be remembered in that city,
where, a worthy instrument of the faction which
then ruled it, he enjoyed, under their patronage,
a despotic authority within its precincts.

Though the Court of King's Bench was then
sitting, preparations were instantly made for trying
him summarily before a court-martial.

The time of my father's trial was deferred a few
days, by the officers appointed to sit on the court-
martial receiving marching orders. At length,
on Saturday, November 10, 1798, a new court was
assembled, consisting of General Loftus, who per-
formed the functions of President, Colonels Van-
deleur, Daly, and Wolfe, Major Armstrong, and
293

WILLIAM TONE [179S

a Captain Curran ; Mr. Paterson performed the
functions of Judge Advocate.

The Court then observed that they would hear
his address, provided he confined himself within
the bounds of moderation. He rose, and began in
these words :

" Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Court-
Martial, — I mean not to give you the trouble of
bringing judicial proof to convict me, legally, of
having acted in hostility to the Government of his
Britannic Majesty in Ireland. I admit the fact.
From my earliest youth I have regarded the con-
nection between Ireland and Great Britain as the
curse of the Irish nation, and felt convinced that,
whilst it lasted, this country could never be free nor
happy. My mind has been confirmed in this
opinion by the experience of every succeeding year,
and the conclusions which I have drawn from every
fact before my eyes. In consequence, I determined
to apply all the powers, which my individual efforts
could move, in order to separate the two countries.

" That Ireland was not able, of herself, to throw
off the yoke, I knew. I therefore sought for aid
wherever it was to be found. In honourable
poverty I rejected offers, which, to a man in my cir-
cumstances, might be considered highly advan-
tageous. I remained faithful to what I thought the
cause of my country, and sought in the French
Republic an ally to rescue three millions of my
countrymen from ..."

294

1798] "I NEED NO JUSTIFICATION"

Gen. Loftus. " That seems to have nothing to
say to the charge against you, to which only you
are to speak. If you have anything to offer in
defence or extenuation of that charge the Court
will hear you ; but they beg that you will confine
yourself to that subject. ,,

Tone. " I shall, then, confine myself to some
points relative to my connection with the French
army. Attached to no party in the French Republic,
without interest, without money, without intrigue,
the openness and integrity of my views raised me
to a high and confidential rank in its armies. I
obtained the confidence of the Executive Directory,
the approbation of my Generals, and I venture to
add the esteem and affection of my brave comrades.
When I review these circumstances I feel a secret
and internal consolation which no reverse of for-
tune, no sentence in the power of this Court to
inflict, can ever deprive me of or weaken in any
degree. Under the flag of the French Republic
I originally engaged with a view to save and
liberate my own country. For that purpose I have
encountered the chances of war amongst strangers :
for that purpose I have repeatedly braved the terrors
of the ocean, covered, as I knew it to be, with the
triumphant fleets of that Power which it was my
glory and my duty to oppose. I have sacrificed all
my views in life ; I have courted poverty ; I have
left a beloved wife unprotected, and children whom
I adored, fatherless. After such sacrifices, in a cause
295

WILLIAM TONE [1798

which I have always conscientiously considered as
the cause of justice and freedom — it is no great
effort, at this day, to add, ' the sacrifice of my life/

" But I hear it said that this unfortunate country-
has been a prey to all sorts of horrors. I sincerely
lament it. I beg, however, it may be remembered
that I have been absent four years from Ireland.
To me these sufferings can never be attributed. I
designed by fair and open war, to procure the
separation of the two countries. For open war I
was prepared ; but if, instead of that, a system of
private assassination has taken place, I repeat, whilst
I deplore it, that it is not chargeable on me. Atroci-
ties, it seems, have been committed on both sides.
I do not less deplore them ; I detest them from my
heart ; and to those who know my character and
sentiments, I may safely appeal for the truth of this
assertion. With them I need no justification.

" In a cause like this, success is everything. Suc-
cess in the eyes of the vulgar fixes its merits.
Washington succeeded, and Kosciusko failed.

" After a combat nobly sustained, a combat
which would have excited the respect and sympathy
of a generous enemy, my fate was to become a
prisoner. To the eternal disgrace of those who gave
the order, I was brought hither in irons like a felon.
I mention this for the sake of others ; for me I am
indifferent to it ; I am aware of the fate which
awaits me, and scorn equally the tone of complaint
and that of supplication.

296

1798) TONE MAKES ONE PLEA

"As to the connection between this country
and Great Britain, I repeat it, all that has been
imputed to me — words, writings, and actions — I
here deliberately avow. I have spoken and acted
with reflection and on principle, and am ready to
meet the consequences. Whatever be the sentence
of this Court I am prepared for it. Its members
will surely discharge their duty ; I shall take care
not to be wanting to mine." *

This speech was pronounced in a tone so mag-
nanimous, so full of a noble and calm serenity as
seemed deeply and visibly to affect all its hearers,
the members of the Court not excepted. A pause
ensued of some continuance, and silence reigned

* Tone's address is here taken by the son from the newspapers
of the day, all financed by Dublin Castle ; these printed only
what he was allowed to say. An undelivered portion of his
prepared address, referring to the Catholics, went as follows :

I have laboured in consequence to create a people in Ireland,
by raising three millions of my Countrymen to the rank of
citizens. I have laboured to abolish the infernal spirit of religious
persecution by uniting the Catholics and Dissenters. To the
former I owe more than can ever be repaid ; the services I was
so fortunate as to render them they rewarded munificently.
But they did more. When the public cry was raised against me,
when the friends of my youth swarmed off and left me alone,
the Catholics did not desert me — they had the virtue even to
sacrifice their own interests to a rigid principle of honour.
They refused, though strongly urged, to disgrace a man, who,
whatever his conduct towards the Government might have been,
faithfully and conscientiously discharged his duty towards them :
and in so doing, though it was in my own case, I will say that
they showed an instance of public virtue and honour, of I know
not whether there exists another example."

(See Comwallis Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 435. And see article
by Dr. Richard Hayes, in The Irish Press, June 20, 1932.)
297

WILLIAM TONE [1798

in the hall till interrupted by Tone himself, who
inquired whether it was not usual to assign an
interval between the sentence and execution ?
The Judge Advocate answered, that the voices of
the Court would be collected without delay, and
the result transmitted forthwith to the Lord
Lieutenant. If the prisoner therefore had any
further observations to make, now was the moment.

Tone. " I wish to offer a few words relative to
one single point — to the mode of punishment.
In France, our Emigres, who stand nearly in the
same situation in which I suppose I now stand
before you, are condemned to be shot. I ask that
the Court should adjudge me the death of a soldier,
and let me be shot by a platoon of grenadiers.
I request this indulgence, rather in consideration of
the uniform which I wear, the uniform of a Chef
de Brigade in the French army, than from any
personal regard to myself. In order to evince my
claim to this favour, I beg that the Court may take
the trouble to peruse my commission and letters
of service in the French army. It will appear from
these papers that I have not received them as a
mask to cover me, but that I have been long and
bona fide an officer in the French service."

Judge Advocate. ' ' You must feel that the papers you
allude to will serve as undeniable proofs against you."

Tone. " Oh ! — I know it well — I have already
admitted the facts, and I now admit the papers as
full proofs of conviction."
298

1798] TONE MAKES ONE PLEA

The papers were then examined : they consisted
of a brevet of Chef de Brigade from the Directory,
signed by the Minister of War, of a letter of service,
granting to him the rank of Adjutant-General, and
of a passport.

General Loftus. " In those papers you are desig-
nated as serving in the army of England."

Tone. " I did serve in that army when it was
commanded by Buonaparte, by Desaix, and by
Kilmaine, who is, as I am, an Irishman. But I have
also served elsewhere."

Requested if he had anything further to
observe, he said that nothing more occurred to
him, except that the sooner his Excellency's
approbation of their sentence was obtained the
better. He would consider it as a favour if it
could be obtained in an hour.

My father was sentenced to die the death of
a traitor in forty-eight hours, on the 12th of
November.*

* A contemporary document in T. CD. gives the following
as the sentence of the Court Martial : " The Court Martial do
find the prisoner, Theobald Wolfe Tone, guilty of the crimes
alleged against him, and do therefore adjudge him to be hanged,
his head to be struck off, fixed on a Pike, and placed in the most
conspicuous part of this city. William Loftus, Maj .-General."

299

XXI

THE END

I must collect my strength to give the remaining
details of the close of my father's life. The secrets
of a State prison, and of such a prison as were those
of Dublin at that period, are seldom penetrated,
and the facts which have reached us are few and
meagre. As soon as he learned the refusal of his
last request, his determination was taken, with the
same resolution and coolness which he exhibited
during the whole transaction. In order to spare
the feelings of his parents and friends, he refused
to see any one and requested only the use of writing
materials. During the ioth and nth of November
he addressed the Directory, the Minister of Marine,
General Kilmaine, and Mr. Shee, in France, and
several of his friends in Ireland, to recommend his
family to their care. I here insert a translation of
his letter to the Directory, the only one of which we
obtained a copy.

300

1798] THE END

" From the Provost's Prison, Dublin,
" 20th Brumaire, jth year of the Republic,
" (November 10, 1798.)

" The Adjutant-General Theobald Wolfe Tone (called
Smith), to the Executive Directory of the
French Republic.

" Citizen Directors, — The English Govern-
ment having determined not to respect my rights
as a French citizen and officer, and summoned me
before a court-martial, I have been sentenced to
death. In those circumstances I request you to
accept my thanks for the confidence with which
you have honoured me, and which, in a moment
like this, I venture to say I well deserved. I have
served the Republic faithfully, and my death, as
well as that of my brother, a victim like myself,
and condemned in the same manner about a month
ago, will sufficiently prove it. I hope the circum-
stances in which I stand will warrant me, Citizen
Directors, in supplicating you to consider the fate
of a virtuous wife and of three infant children,
who had no other support, and, in losing me, will
be reduced to the extreme of misery. I venture
on such an occasion to recall to your remembrance
that I was expelled from my own country in con-
sequence of my attempts to serve the Republic ;
that, on the invitation of the French Government,
301

WILLIAM TONE [1798

I came to France ; that ever since I had the honour
to enter the French service, I have faithfully, and
with the approbation of all my chiefs, performed
my duty ; finally, that I have sacrificed for the
Republic all that man holds dearest — my wife,
my children, my liberty, my life. In these circum-
stances I confidently call on your justice and human-
ity in favour of my family, assured that you will
not abandon them. It is the greatest consolation
which remains to me in dying,
" Health and respect,

" T. W. Tone (called Smith),

" Adjutant-General"

He then, with a firm hand and heart, penned the
two following letters to my mother :

" Provost Prison — Dublin Barracks,

" Le 20 Brumaire, an 7 (10th Nov.), 1798.

" Dearest Love, — The hour is at last come when
we must part. As no words can express what I feel
for you and our children, I shall not attempt it ;
complaint of any kind would be beneath your
courage and mine ; be assured I will die as I have
lived, and that you will have no cause to blush for
me.

" I have written on your behalf to the French
Government, to the Minister of Marine, to General
Kilmaine, and to Mr. Shee ; with the latter I wish
302

1798] TO HIS WIFE

you especially to advise. In Ireland I have written
to your brother Harry, and to those of my friends
who are about to go into exile, and who, I am sure,
will not abandon you.

" Adieu, dearest love : I find it impossible to
finish this letter. Give my love to Mary ; and,
above all things, remember that you are now the
only parent of our dearest children, and that the
best proof you can give of your affection for me
will be to preserve yourself for their education.
God Almighty bless you all.

" Yours ever,

" T. W. Tone.

" P.S. — I think you have found a friend in
Wilson, who will not desert you."

Second Letter.

" Dearest Love, — I write just one line to acquaint
you that I have received assurances from your
brother Edward of his determination to render
every assistance and protection in his power ; for
which I have written to thank him most sincerely.
Your sister has likewise sent me assurances of the
same nature, and expressed a desire to see me, which
I have refused, having determined to speak to no one
of my friends, not even my father, from motives of
humanity to them and myself. It is a very great
303

WILLIAM TONE [1798

consolation to me that your family are determined
to support you ; as to the manner of that assistance,
I leave it to their affection for you, and your own
excellent good sense, to settle what manner will
be most respectable for all parties.

" Adieu, dearest love. Keep your courage, as
I have kept mine ; my mind is as tranquil this
moment as at any period of my life. Cherish my
memory ; and especially preserve your health and
spirits for the sake of our dearest children.
" Your ever affectionate,

" T. Wolfe Tone *

" nth November, 1798."

It is said that on the evening of that very day he
could see and hear the soldiers erecting the gallows
for him before his windows. That very night,

* On the same day that he wrote these last two letters to his
wife, he wrote as follows to General Kilmaine :

" Provost's Prison,

" 20 Bmmaire, an 7.
"Dear General,

" Before this reaches you I shall be no more. You
are doubtless already aware of the fate of our expedition, which
has brought on mine. I write now, relying on you as a friend
and countryman to assist and protect my wife and children by
supporting in their interest a Memorial which I have addressed
in their favour to the Minister of Marine, to request his inter-
ference, as my family, in losing me lose their only support. The
shortness of the time prevents my saying more, but I think I
know you enough to be satisfied that I have said is sufficient.
" I am, dear General, with great respect,

" Your most obed. servt.,
" T. Wolfe Tone, dit Smith, Adj. -Gen:*

304

X798J DEATH

according to the report given by his jailers, having
secreted a penknife, he inflicted a deep wound
across his neck. It was soon discovered by the
sentry, and a surgeon called in at four o'clock in
the morning, who stopped the blood and closed it.
He reported, that as the prisoner had missed the
carotid artery, he might yet survive, but was in the
extremest danger. It is said that he murmured
only in reply, " I am sorry I have been so bad
an anatomist." Let me draw a veil over the re-
mainder of this scene.

Stretched on his bloody pallet in a dungeon, the
first apostle of Irish union, and most illustrious
martyr of Irish independence, counted each linger-
ing hour during the last seven days and nights of
his slow and silent agony. No one was allowed to
approach him. Far from his adored family, and
from all those friends whom he loved so dearly,
the only forms which flitted before his eyes were
those of the grim jailer and rough attendants of
the prison ; the only sounds which fell on his
dying ear, the heavy tread of the sentry. He
retained, however, the calmness of his soul and the
possession of his faculties to the last. And the
consciousness of dying for his country, and in the
cause of justice and liberty, illuirdnecCnke a bright
halo, his latest moments, and kept up his fortitude
to the end. There is no situation under which those
feelings will not support the soul of a patriot.
On the morning of the 19th of November he
(4.409) 305 22

THE END [1798

was seized with the spasms of approaching death.
It is said that the surgeon who attended, whispered
that if he attempted to move or speak he must
expire instantly ; that he overheard him, and,
making a slight movement, replied, " I can yet
find words to thank you, sir ; it is the most welcome
news you could give me. What should I wish to
live for ? " Falling back, with these expressions
on his lips, he expired without further effort.

306

These extracts are taken from contemporary letters : Lord
Cavan to Ed. Cooke, Dublin Castle. Derry, Nov. 7, 1798. " I
hope you will be amused with Tone, and that he will amuse
Dublin by his execution. He wrote me an impudent letter,
I thought, for a man in his situation. . . ." Sir G. F. Hill to
Cooke. Same date. " Tone's trunk is sent off to you this
evening by the Derry coach. There is a bag with 240 French
Crowns in it, his uniform, and clothes. Keep the cap and
uniform for your museum. . . ." Hill to Cooke. Derry,
Nov. 15, 1798. " I have red. an accurate note of all which
passed in King's Bench on Curran's motion re Tone. The
business has been bitched. The authority of Parliament, the
actual existence of Rebellion and Invasion should have induced
a refusal to obey the King's Bench, and execution ought to
have taken place. I would have sewed up his neck and finished
the business. . . ."

The originals are in the Irish State Papers Office at Dublin
Castle.

307

THE BIG FELLOW

A Life of Michael Collins

FRANK O'CONNOR

Author of "Guests of the Nation," "Bones of Contention "

" The Saint and Mary Kate" "Three Old Brothers and

other Poems" etc.

The Big Fellow is a book of the first importance — a
tribute from one of the best of modern Irish writers to
the greatest figure in modern Irish history.

In 19 1 6 Michael Collins returned to Ireland, an un-
known young man of twenty-six. Six years later he
died, the founder and chief of a new state and the idol
of his people. In this biography Frank O'Connor tells
the story of those six wonderful years. He traces the
development of an unformed, emotional, attractive lad
into the dynamic soldier who paralysed the finest Intelli-
gence Service in the world, and finally into the statesman
who promised to be one of the greatest of European
figures.

The story of those six years is one of the most thrilling
and deeply moving of modern times : it would be
incredible if it were not true. It is a story of intrigue
and counter-intrigue, ambush and espionage — an under-
ground war that was fought fiercely in the heart of
Dublin while the daily life of the city went on, and
blazed finally into open warfare throughout Ireland.
And it is written from first-hand knowledge with
insight, eloquence and power, 10s. 6d. net.

First Cheap Edition of

THE SILVER FLEECE
ROBERT COLLIS'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY

55. net

This is the book of which the London Mercury said :
" It is more than an autobiography, it is the distillation
of many experiences, and to read it is like making a
friend." The fifty or sixty reviews it has received were
all, without exception, enthusiastic. Here are one or
two of them.

" A book in a thousand. A triumph of personality."
— Sunday Times. " Dr. Collis has turned memories
into vivid reality with ease in a book that will give
intense pleasure." — Irish Press. " Packed with exciting
events.' — Observer. " A second San Michele." —
British Weekly. " While much of the story is concerned
with events connected with the author's activities in the
field of medical research and study in London, Paris,
and the United States, and with his adventures on the
playing fields of England, Ireland, and Scotland, the
reader is conscious all the time of a definite undertone
which holds his sympathy. This seems to arise from a
deep-rooted and instinctive love of Ireland, which has
never found adequate expression up to this. . . . This
lifts The Silver Fleece above the common run of per-
sonal memoirs." — Irish Independent.

With all the original decorations by T. G. Wilson

SOMEWHERE TO THE SEA
KENNETH SARR

" A realistic picture of Dublin under the Black-and-
Tans. . . . Mr. Sarr has achieved the rare distinction of
presenting Irish politics and Irish personalities in a
manner which carries away the most biased reader for
the sheer pleasure of reading."— -John O' London.

" Instead of being brought to darkened countrysides,
we are quickly swept into the daily and social life of the
capital, with its offices, cafes, cinemas — its normal alter-
nations of business and pleasure. The reverberations of
bombs and the crackle of rifles form an intermittent but
persisting contrast to all this vivid life of Dublin, giving
it a secret tension and preoccupation. ... In vivid
phrases he evokes the atmosphere of daily life during
a period of stress and danger." — Times Literary
Supplement.

Love and battle, youth and manhood mingle to-
gether in an exquisite medley of Dublin during the
troubles of 1920/ — Daily Sketch.

" A broad and tolerant view of our national caval-
cade." — Walter Starkie.

js. 6d. net.

COMMON SENSE ABOUT DRAMA
L. A. G. STRONG

This original, perceptive, and practical book attempts,
in Mr. Strong's own words, " to express something of
my own interest in an unlimited subject, and to give
the reader a starting-point for his own speculations and
ideas." Despite its simplicity, it will appeal not only
to the interested onlooker but to those wnose lives are
already given to the theatre. Mr. Robert Speaight, the
famous actor, says, " This is an ideal companion for
the young playgoer in pointing out what he should
look for and the standards he should employ ; and also
invaluable for the seasoned theatregoer as giving him
new angles of appreciation on what he has already seen."

It is amazingly comprehensive. Starting from the
essential drama in everyday life, Mr. Strong goes on to
consider such widely-assorted questions as realism on
the stage, the speaking of verse, dreams as drama, and
the different points of interest of the Greek, the Eliza-
bethan, and the present-day theatre. He insists on the
unlimited range of drama, and relates it to the whole of
life. Like its predecessor, Common Sense about Poetry,
this book is a really remarkable fusion of the philosophic
and the practical.

The " Little Theatre " Series 2s. 6d. net.

THE PLAYS OF
R. B. SHERIDAN

Edited by John Hampden

This very attractive volume contains all Sheridan's
plays — The Rivals, The School for Scandal The Critic,
The Duenna, St, Patrick's Day, A Trip to Scarborough,
Pizarro — edited with great care from the best early
editions in order to provide texts as accurate as
possible. It contains a portrait and facsimile title-
page, brief explanatory footnotes are supplied where
necessary, act and scene are given at the head of
every page, it is beautifully printed, and bound in
a Sundour cloth blocked with real gold. For general
reader, amateur actor, or student it is the ideal edition
— and the price is is. 6d. net.

This is only one example of the remarkable value
offered by the New Nelson Classics, a complete list
of which the publishers will be glad to send post free.
Write to Nelsons, 35-36 Paternoster Row, London,
E.C.4.

PRINTED IN GRBAT BRITAIN AT
THE PRESS OF THE PUBLISHERS